Suchergebnisse

Tesis para obtener el grado de Doctora en Comunicación Social presentado en la Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacional, en 2010 ; El knowledge management (KM) es un espacio disciplinar consolidado en los últimos 20 años, que se ocupa de la gestión del conocimiento en las organizaciones. Su ascendencia se rastrea en las ciencias de la administración y la traducción de su denominación es gestión del conocimiento. Mientras el KM sostiene una visión restringida de la comunicación (lineal y segmentada), la metaperspectiva conceptual de la comunicación estratégica (Massoni, 2005a, 2007a, 2009) propone el abordaje complejo y fluido de este fenómeno, en tanto espacio relacionante de la diversidad sociocultural. Esta tesis plantea un análisis comparativo entre ambos, donde la comunicación estratégica aporta un enfoque multidimensional y situacional, tomando como caso de análisis la interacción en una Estación Experimental del Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA), organización del estado argentino con base tecnológica. Esta investigación combina la revisión bibliográfica, el análisis documental, herramientas etnográficas, y el análisis comunicacional para acercarse al fenómeno. Utiliza el modelo de las cuatro dimensiones de la comunicación, el análisis de marcas de racionalidad comunicacional y la genealogía de una organización. El resultado es un nuevo modelo, que reconoce la preocupación inicial de las ciencias de la administración, pero la resitua en un mundo complejo y fluido, con un aporte específico de la comunicación estratégica. El modelo es una metáfora del universo y se estructura en una serie de analogías que aportan categorías desde las cuáles operar que permitan acercarse al fenómeno que ocupa al KM, desde una perspectiva comunicacional. ; Knowledge management (KM) is a disciplinary space within organizations that has been established over the past 20 years. This discipline has its roots in the field of Management Sciences. While KM holds a limited view of communication (linear and segmented), the meta-perspective of Strategic Communications (Massoni, 2005a, 2007a, 2009) proposes a complex and fluid approach to communication as a relational space within sociocultural diversity. In this thesis the term gestión del conocimiento—the Spanish translation of KM—will be used to refer to a Strategic Communications perspective. This thesis presents a comparative analysis of KM and Strategic Communications, in which the Strategic Communications perspective provides a multidimensional and situational approach. It focuses on a case study in an Experimental Station of the National Institute of Agricultural Technology (INTA), an Argentine governmental organization. The research combines literature review, documentary analysis, ethnographic tools, and communication analysis. It utilizes the four dimensions model of communication, the analysis of communicative rationality, and the genealogy of an organization. The result is a new model which acknowledges the initial concerns of the Management Sciences, but resituates them within a complex and fluid new world, using the specific contribution of Strategic Communications. The model draws a metaphor between itself and the universe and structures itself through a series of analogies which contribute categories from which to approach the KM phenomenon from a communication perspective. ; EEA San Pedro ; Fil: Piola, Mariana. Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA). Estación Experimental Agropecuaria San Pedro; Argentina

This article intends to show how Hannah Arendt's work has become a compulsory and unavoidable theoretical forum in the realm of the political theory and philosophy. It intends to review and restate Arendtian concepts such as freedom, politics and philia, and present them as an alternative to the apocalyptic course of history that faces us as unavoidable. Arendt was a tireless judge of the pitiful state of contemporary political science because it could not differentiate concepts such as power, authority or strength, which have been understood as synonyms that wrongfully refer to a command-obedience relationship. Arendt marks them with her own seal trying to avoid the confusion that has been created around them. In this way, she defines politics in her very own way, radically opposing the canonical notion of politics as a "world of appearances" that arises where a plural group of free equal human beings shares words and actions. ; Este artículo trata de mostrar de qué manera la obra de Hannah Arendt se ha convertido en un espacio teórico obligado e ineludible en el ámbito de la teoría y la filosofía política. Intenta revisar y volver a poner en consideración conceptos arendtianos, como los de libertad, política, philía, y presentarlos como una alternativa frente al derrotero apocalíptico de la historia, que se nos presenta como inevitable. Arendt fue crítica incansable del lamentable estado de la ciencia política contemporánea, por no haber sido capaz de distinguir entre conceptos como poder, autoridad o fuerza, conceptos que se han entendido como sinónimos que hacen referencia, de manera equivocada, a las relaciones de mando-obediencia. Arendt les otorga su sello propio y con ello intenta evitar la confusión que se ha generado en torno a ellos. De esta manera, define su propio matiz sobre lo político, oponiéndose radicalmente a la concepción canónica de la política como "espacio de aparición" que emana allí donde un grupo plural de seres libres e iguales comparten palabras y acciones. ; Este artigo tenta mostrar de que maneira a obra de Hannah Arendt se tem convertido em um espaço teórico obrigado e ineludível no âmbito da teoria e a filosofia política. Tenta revisar e voltar a pôr em consideração conceitos arendtianos, como os de liberdade, política, philia, e apresenta-los como uma alternativa frente à rota apocalíptica da história, que se nos apresenta como inevitável. Arendt foi crítica incansável do lamentável estado da ciência política contemporânea, por não ter sido capaz de distinguir entre conceitos como poder, autoridade ou força, conceitos que se têm entendido como sinónimos que fazem referência, de maneira equivocada, às relações de mando-obediência. Arendt outorga-lhes seu selo próprio e com isso tenta evitar a confusão que se tem gerado em torno a eles. Desta maneira, define seu próprio matiz sobre o político, opondo-se radicalmente à conceição canónica da política como "espaço de aparição" que emana ali onde um grupo plural de seres livres e iguais partilham palavras e ações.

Reflexión teórica que, a la luz de diversos autores, aborda el fenómeno de la globalización y sus impactos sobre la salud y sobre el proceso de trabajo en salud. Destaca el papel da interdisciplinaridad en la construcción de nuevos modelos asistenciales, además de mostrar que el proceso de trabajo en salud, a lo largo de la historia, ha sido influenciado por el contexto económico-social. En la actualidad, el proceso de globalización tiene fuerte implicación en la distribución y producción de enfermedades, en la mudanza del perfil epidemiológico y en la inversión y organización de los servicios de salud. Registra, también, que en el Estado brasileño contemporáneo se verifica la convivencia de la influencia de las políticas neoliberales y del proceso de innovación tecnológica del mundo globalizado con la democratización de las políticas sociales. Concluye que el trabajo interdisciplinar es un desafío en el campo de la salud, más, que esa perspectiva tiene potencial para aproximar el trabajo en salud de las necesidades de la población, considerándose el concepto de salud establecido en la Constitución Brasileña de 1988. ; Reflexão teórica que, à luz de diversos autores, aborda o fenômeno da globalização e seus impactos sobre a saúde e sobre o processo de trabalho em saúde. Destaca o papel da interdisciplinaridade na construção de novos modelos assistenciais, além de mostrar que o processo de trabalho em saúde, ao longo da história, tem sido influenciado pelo contexto econômico-social. Na atualidade, o processo de globalização tem forte implicação na distribuição e produção de doenças, na mudança do perfil epidemiológico e no investimento e organização dos serviços de saúde. Registra, também, que no Estado brasileiro contemporâneo verifica-se a convivência da influência das políticas neoliberais e do processo de inovação tecnológica do mundo globalizado com a democratização das políticas sociais. Conclui que o trabalho interdisciplinar é um desafio no campo da saúde mas que essa perspectiva tem potencial para aproximar o trabalho em saúde das necessidades da população, considerando-se o conceito de saúde estabelecido na Constituição Brasileira de 1988. ; Theoretical reflection which, based on many relevant authors, approaches the globalization phenomenon and its impacts on health and on the process of work in health. The interdisciplinary role stands out in the construction of new existential models. In addition, it shows that the process of work in health, throughout history, has been influenced by the socio-economic context. Nowadays, the globalization process has strong implications for the distribution and production of diseases, for the epidemiologic profile changes and the organization and investment in health services. It also records that, in the present Brazilian State, it can be noticed the coexistence of neoliberal political influences and the process of technological innovations in a globalized world, with the democratization of social politics. It was concluded that interdisciplinary work is a challenge in the field of health, but that this perspective has a great potential to bring together the process of work in health and the necessities of the population, taking into consideration the concept of health established in the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.

In the context of contemporary Globalization, the regional unit of analysis has become a category of analysis. Regions constitute nowadays a fundamental category for political, economic, social and cultural analysis, but it is important to take into account that the definition of a region must be made from a complex perspective which involves its structural, as well as its constructivist and social representation dimension. Taken as a category of analysis, in this article we carry out a discussion on the region's dimensions —as a social, spatial, political, historical and subjective construction— in order to propose a model of conceptual-relational analysis which enables us to deal with the regional history of Latin America in a more integral way —by establishing links between History and Geography— and from an interdisciplinary and trans-areal perspective. By encouraging the study of the border and trans-border, as well as the local, the national and the transnational condition, the aim is to get over the geopolitical rigidity of the area studies made in the Anglo-Saxon world. ; En el contexto de la Globalización contemporánea, la unidad de análisis regional se ha transformado en una categoría de análisis. Las regiones constituyen ahora una categoría fundamental para el análisis político, económico, social y cultural, pero es importante tomar en consideración que la definición de una región debe hacerse desde una perspectiva compleja, que involucre su dimensión estructural tanto como su dimensión constructivista y de representación social. En este artículo se realiza una discusión sobre las dimensiones de la región, como categoría de análisis, como una construcción social, espacial, política, histórica y subjetiva, para proponer un modelo de análisis conceptual, de tipo relacional, que permita abordar la historia regional de América Latina de manera más integral, desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria, mediante las vinculaciones entre la Historia y la Geografía, así como desde una perspectiva transareal, en el sentido de que se pretende superar la rigidez geopolítica de los estudios de área practicados en el mundo anglosajón, por lo que se potencia el estudio de lo fronterizo y lo transfronterizo, así como de lo local, lo nacional y lo transnacional. ; No contexto da globalização contemporânea, a unidade de análise regional se transformou em categoria de análise. As regiões constituem na atualidade uma categoria fundamental para a análise política, econômica, social e cultural, mas é importante levar em consideração que a definição de uma região é uma construção complexa, que envolve tanto sua dimensão estrutural como sua dimensão construtivista e de representação social. Neste artigo realiza-se uma discussão sobre as dimensões da região, como categoria de análise, como uma construção social, espacial, política, histórica e subjetiva. Propõe-se também um modelo de análise conceitual, de tipo relacional, que permita abordar a história regional da América Latina de forma mais integral e interdisciplinar, vinculando a História e a Geografia, assim como a partir de uma perspectiva "transareal", buscando superar a rigidez geopolítica dos estudos de área praticados no mundo anglo-saxão e fomentar o estudo do fronteiriço e transfronteiriço, do local, do nacional e do transnacional.

Durante los últimos dos siglos se ha venido sosteniendo la neutralidad y apoliticidad de la ciencia, pero se ha pasado por alto que esta, como construcción humana, no puede ostentar un estatus especial. Es decir, está condicionada históricamente al igual que cualquier otra actividad. La ciencia moderna adquirió su actual división disciplinaria en el siglo XIX, en gran parte por el desarrollo del capitalismo industrial que cubrió el orbe y la conformación de estados-nación y su organización dentro del sistema interestatal, de modo que es una particular forma de entender y estudiar la realidad, pero no la única posible. Las elecciones teóricas y metodológicas hechas desde entonces se han impuesto como la forma natural de aprehender la realidad. La fase actual del proceso de la globalización ha puesto de manifiesto que el marco epistemológico decimonónico –y como parte de él, el nacionalismo metodológico– resulta insuficiente en el presente para explicar ciertos fenómenos sistémicos y ha revelado la necesidad de su superación. En el presente contexto histórico se hace más necesario que nunca superar la dependencia académica y la adopción de una actitud crítica para que la división internacional del trabajo académico y la estructuración de una agenda transnacional para la educación no operen en contra de las zonas y poblaciones pobres del mundo. Ello supone que la universidad defina su papel con respecto a la sociedad desde una dimensión política, antes de que decida y realice su propia reforma. La transdisciplinariedad juega un papel principal en la superación de los viejos modelos de la ciencia y la universidad. ; Over the past two centuries, it has been claimed that science is neutral and apolitical, without considering that, as a human construction, it cannot hold a special status. That is, it is historically conditioned as any other activity. Modern science acquired its current disciplinary division in the nineteenth century, largely because of the development of industrial capitalism that covered the globe and the formation of nation states and their organization within the interstate system. Thus, it is a particular way of understanding and studying reality, but not the only one. The theoretical and methodological choices made during this period have been imposed as the natural way of apprehending reality. The current phase of the process of globalization has shown that, the nineteenth-century epistemological framework, and the methodological nationalism as part of this framework, is insufficient to explain systemic phenomena and revealed the necessity to transcend it. In this historical context, it is more important than ever to overcome academic dependency, and to adopt a critical attitude for international division of academic work, and the structuring of an agenda for transnational education so as not to be detrimental to the poorest areas and populations of the world. This means that, the university should define its role with regard to society from a political dimension, before deciding and making its own transition to a reform. Transdisciplinarity plays a major role in overcoming the old models of science and university.

Nowadays our lives are strongly influenced by the increased mortality and rising or progressing of various diseases, accidents and other social issues. Insecurity and fear are the companions of the majority of us. Solving various social problems is the way towards healthier, safer and happier society. Social marketing campaigns are conducted throughout the world, so it is crucial to examine their benefits and the exact implementation. The most desirable effect of these campaigns is the behavioral change, but intermediate effects, as the change in knowledge or attitude are also possible. The greater the change in behavior, the more effective the campaign is considered. The aim of the work: consider the effects and efficiency assessment problems. The goals of the work: 1. Define concept if social marketing. 2. To identify the differences of the social and commercial marketing. 3. To review the effects of social marketing. 4. Discuss social marketing efficiency. 5. Apply theoretical concepts of social marketing to specific social marketing campaign analysis. 6. To investigate the participants' attitude of social marketing campaign measures and efficiency. The methods of the work: while writing the work, information of the scientific articles, books and internet sources was used and a quantitative survey was conducted. This work presents a theoretical concept of social marketing, identifies and provides details of components of social marketing. It also analyzes the effects and the efficiency of social marketing and the influence of culture on them. The practical part of the work presents the research of the social marketing campaign aimed at smoking prevention, the assessment of its popularity and efficiency. Conclusion:The essential difference between social and commercial marketing is the different goals. Commercial marketing is based on financial gain, while social marketing to the public good or otherwise, to change a behavior in the desired way. To affect people, groups becomes a major goal of campaign, the effects are divided into three main types: the impact on knowledge, attitudes and behavior. To measure the efficiency of social marketing campaign, it is best seen in five levels: awareness, concentration, behavior, social norms, good. Understanding the importance of efficiency in each stage is critical for planning and following through social marketing campaign. Looking at the international aspect of the culture, traditions and customs are crucial for performance evaluation. Therefore, the development of social marketing campaigns need to take into account the cultural differences between countries and adapt them to the proper course of action. Social marketing campaign "HELP - For a life without tobacco" is an international program, conducted in all European Union countries. Since 2005, the anti-smoking campaign is carried out in the second round, which seeks long-term effects. Completed study showed that social marketing campaign is known in Lithuania, it attracts attention of young people, they visit the campaign web site and claims that the information is interesting, detailed, help to shape their attitudes to smoking, but unfortunately, only a small proportion of the respondents believe that these campaigns are effective and influence young people's behavior.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Birleşme, Kooperatiflerde BirleşmeÖZETKOOPERATİFLERDE BİRLEŞMEKooperatiflerin birleşmeleri ile ilgili 1163 sayılı kanunun 98. maddesin de "Bu kanunun aksine açıklama olmayan durumlarda Türk Ticaret Kanunundaki Anonim Şirketlere ait hükümler uygulanır" hükmü geçmektedir. Ülkemizde kooperatif birleşmeleri, Anonim şirketlerin birleşme hükümlerine bağlanmış ve bu şekilde birleşmeleri sağlanmıştır. Türkiye'de gerçekleşen kooperatif birleşmeleri 3 çeşit birleşme olarak görülmektedir. 1- birim kooperatif birleşmeleri (yatay birleşme), 2- kooperatif birlikleri (dikey birleşme), 3- kooperatif merkez birlikleridir.Gelişmiş ülkeler kooperatiflerin birleşmeleri ile ilgili ayrı kanunlar düzenlemiş, uluslar arası finansal standartlar ile bunu desteklemişlerdir. Bu ülkelerdeki kooperatifler, bulundukları sektörlerdeki diğer sermaye şirketleriyle baş edebilir duruma gelmiş hatta bazı kooperatif birleşmeleri bu sermaye şirketlerinin önüne geçmiştir.Kooperatifçilikte uluslararası örgütlenme çok eski yıllara dayanmaktadır. Dünyadaki en eski uluslararası örgütlerden biri Uluslararası Kooperatifler Alyansı'dır Günümüzde bile kurulan bölgesel seviyedeki bazı uluslararası örgütler ICA çatısı altında yer almayı tercih etmektedirler. Kooperatifler 115 yıl önce sadece ulusal çizgide kalmayıp, uluslararası düzeyde işbirliğinin temelini atmışlardır. 19-22 Ağustos 1895 tarihleri arasında 14 ülkeden 200 temsilcinin katılımı ile Londra Kooperatif Kongresinde bir araya gelen Avrupa kooperatif liderleri aldıkları karar sonucunda ICA çatısı altında bir araya gelmişlerdir. ICA'nın Merkezi İsviçre'nin Cenevre kentidir. İsviçre Medeni Kanununa göre tüzel kişilik olarak faaliyet gösteren uluslararası bir birliktir. Bugün örgüte 91 ülkeden 243 örgütün üyedir. Örgüte üye örgütlerin 800 milyondan fazla ortağı bulunmaktadır.Supervisor: Professor Osman AltuğDegree Awarded And Date: Master – November 2010 Keywords: Merger, Merger Of CooperativesABSTRACTMERGER OF COOPERATIVES The item of 98 in Law No. 1163 on cooperative merger cites ;"This is contrary to the law when there is no explanation, the provisions of law belonging to anonymous companies of the Turkish Commercial Law are applied. In our country, cooperative mergers has been linked to merger provisions of anonymous companies, and so supllied the mergers. 3 kinds of cooperative mergers are seen as the merger took place in Turkey. 1 - unit cooperative mergers (horizontal mergers), 2 - cooperative associations (vertical mergers), 3. central assosiation of cooperatives.Developed countries have organized different laws related to mergers of cooperatives, and supported it with international financial standards. Cooperatives in these countries has been able to cope with other capital stock companies in their sectors,moreever some cooperative mergers have taken precedence of these capital companies. International organization in cooperative trading system are based on previous years. One of the oldest international organizations in the world is 'International Cooperatives Alliance'. Even today, some international organizations established at the regional level seem to prefer to take place under the frame of ICA. Cooperatives have prepared the basis of cooperation, not only at the national line, but also at the international level 115 years ago. European cooperative leaders coming together by the participation of 200 representatives from 14 countries, between 19-22 August 1895 in the London Cooperative Congress has come together as a result of the decision under the frame of ICA.Centre of ICA is Swiss city of Geneva.According to the Swiss Civil Code,it is an international union of operating as a legal entity. Today, 243 organizations from 91 countries are members of this organization.There are more than 800 million partners of the organization.

Im Mittelpunkt der Dissertation steht die Entwicklung der deutschen Frage im Sport bis zu und bei den Olympischen Spielen 1972 in München. Die zeitgeschichtliche Untersuchung stellt die wechselseitigen Einflüsse von Sport und Politik in den Vordergrund. Für die deutsch-deutsche Sportgeschichte und die Geschichte der Sportverbände beider Staaten war diese Phase, in der um Anerkennung, Alleinvertretung und die sportliche Vormachtstellung gekämpft wurde, von entscheidender Bedeutung. Die gesamte Sportpolitik der DDR orientierte sich an dem außen- und deutschlandpolitischen Konzept der SED, während in der Bundesrepublik die Problematik der Zwei-Staaten-Lösung zu einer wachsenden Auseinandersetzung der Politik mit dem Sport führte. Im Zuge dieser Auseinandersetzung standen sich die Interessen der Sportfunktionäre und der Politiker der Bundesrepublik zum Teil diametral entgegen, in anderen Fällen gingen Regierung und Sportorganisationen eine Allianz ein. Die Vergabe der Olympischen Spiele an München und die eigenständige Teilnahme einer Mannschaft aus der DDR stellten für beide deutsche Staaten schließlich eine besondere Herausforderung dar. Während die Regierung der DDR einerseits auf sportlichen Erfolg und damit eine regelmäßige Präsentation ihrer Staatssymbole im Land des Klassenfeindes und eine entsprechend negative Darstellung der Bundesrepublik bedacht war, sorgte sie sich um die Zuverlässigkeit der Bürger. Mit hohem Aufwand betrieb sie eine gezielte Auslese und Vorbereitung aller nach München reisenden Sportler, Touristen, Journalisten, Künstler, Studenten und Schüler. Für die Bundesregierung auf der anderen Seite boten die Spiele eine willkommene Gelegenheit, der Welt das "moderne Deutschland" zu zeigen. Die Teilnahme der Mannschaft der DDR war jedoch bis 1968 ein kaum zu überwindendes Hindernis – schließlich waren ihre Staatssymbole in der Bundesrepublik verboten. Akten der Sportorganisationen und Regierungen beider Staaten, des Internationalen Olympischen Komitees sowie des Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit der DDR und des Bundesnachrichtendienstes bilden die Grundlage der Analyse, die sich nach einer eingehenden Darstellung der sportpolitischen Entwicklungen nach 1949 besonders den Olympischen Spielen 1972 in München widmet. ; The central theme of the doctoral thesis is the development of the German question in the field of sports up to and at the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich. The contemporary-historical study places special emphasis on the reciprocal influences of sports and politics. This period, in which both German states fought for recognition, sole agency, and supremacy in sports, was of crucial importance to the East-West German sport history and the history of their respective sports associations. The sports policy of the GDR was generally aligned to the foreign and German policy concepts of the SED, whereas in West German politics, the problematic situation of the two-state solution led to an increasing interest in sports. Over the course of this discussion, the varied interests of sports officials and politicians were at times diametrically opposed to one another while at others sports organisations and the administration formed an alliance. The IOC's vote for Munich in 1966 and the independent participation of a national team of the GDR were a significant challenge for both German states. On the one hand, the government of the GDR was concerned about successful perfomances in sports and thus a continuous presentation of the symbols of its state and a corresponding negative image of West Germany, while on the other hand it worried about its citizens' reliability. The GDR made a huge effort to deliberately select and prepare all the athletes, tourists, journalists, artists, students and pupils that travelled to Munich. The West German government regarded the Games as a welcome opportunity to present the "modern Germany" to the world. However, until 1968 the participation of the independent team of the GDR seemed to be an insurmountable obstacle – after all the symbols of the German Democratic Republic were banned by law in West Germany. Files and documents of the sports organisations and governments of both German states, of the IOC as well as the respective intelligence services form the basis of this study, which, following a detailed investigation of the sports-political developments after 1949, focuses especially on the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich.

Este artículo plantea una nueva interpretación del proceso de independencia en Ecuador, proceso que diera inicio en 1808 y que concluyera en 1822. Aquí se demuestra que la Revolución de Quito de 1809 no fue un movimiento anticolonialista. Antes bien, tal como sucediera con las Juntas en la Península, Quito intentó salvaguardar la Monarquía española ante los franceses "ateos". La independencia del Reino de Quito y la formación de la República de Ecuador tuvieron lugar dentro del contexto de la revolución del mundo hispánico y la disolución de la Monarquía española. El presente estudio analiza el surgimiento del gobierno representativo y de las elecciones populares instauradas por la Constitución Hispánica de 1812. Los habitantes de la Audiencia o Reino de Quito preferían establecer un reino autónomo dentro de la Monarquía hispánica constitucional. Aun cuando Guayaquil declarara su independencia en 1820 e intentara obtener el apoyo de la Sierra para establecer el Estado de Quito, su esfuerzo fracasó en última instancia debido a que los ejércitos de la República centralista de Colombia (Gran Colombia), encabezados por Simón Bolívar, obligaron a la región a unirse a la nueva república. Cuando la Gran Colombia se fragmentó en 1830, el antiguo Reino de Quito formó una república separada, pero algunas de sus provincias del norte quedaron en manos de Colombia. Antes que mantener el antiguo nombre –Quito, preferido por Guayaquil y la Sierra– el congreso constituyente decidió llamar a la nueva nación Ecuador, el nombre dado al antiguo reino cuando la región fue incorporada por la fuerza a la Gran Colombia. ; This article advances a new interpretation of the process of independence in Ecuador, which began in 1808 and concluded in 1822. It demonstrates that the Quito revolution of 1809 was not an anticolonial movement. Like the Juntas in the Peninsula and the rest of America formed after Napoleon's invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, Quito sought to safeguard the Spanish Monarchy from the "godless" French. The independence of the Kingdom Quito and the formation of the republic of Ecuador occurred within the context of the revolution of the Hispanic world and the dissolution of the Spanish Monarchy. This study analyses the rise of representative government and the popular elections established by the Hispanic Constitution of 1812. The people of the Audiencia or Reino de Quito favored establishing an autonomous kingdom within the constitutional Spanish Monarchy. Although Guayaquil declared independence in 1820 and attempted to obtain support from the sierra to establish the Estado de Quito, that effort ultimately failed because the armies of the centralist republic of Colombia (Gran Colombia) led by Simón Bolívar forced the region to join the new republic. When Gran Colombia fragmented in 1830, the former Kingdom of Quito formed a separate republic but lost some of its northern provinces to Colombia. Rather than retaining its historic name, Quito, which Guayaquil and the Sierra preferred, the constituent congress decided to call the new nation Ecuador, the name given to the former kingdom when the region was forcibly incorporated into Gran Colombia. ; Cuenca ; no. 22

High levels of inequality are a persistent feature of many rural areas in the developing world. Rural inequality is correlated with major impediments of rural development, such as crime, elite-capture, and lack of collective action. Government transfer programs, such as conditional cash transfer, unemployment insurance, old-age pension or similar programs that target the lower tail of a village's cumulative welfare distribution function have become a very popular public policy to tackle poverty and inequality in rural areas. While the poverty impacts of those programs are well documented in the literature less attention has been given to the redistributive capacity of such policies at the village level. Among the main reasons for the neglect is a common belief that monetary transfers to the lower tail of the village welfare distribution (i.e. 'the poor'), while excluding the upper tail (i.e. 'the rich') from the program, must lead to a reduction in inequality. In this paper we show that the impact of such programs on reducing rural inequality may be lower than previously thought. This is because program-eligible lower and program-ineligible upper tail do not behave in isolation from each other. They are linked via interactions in credit & insurance, as well as factor & commodity markets. If, consequently, a government transfer triggers the lower tail to shift then the upper tail follows, leading to modest reductions in local inequality. ; Un niveau élevé d'inégalités constitue une caractéristique récurrente des zones rurales des pays en développement. Ces inégalités rurales vont de pair avec nombre d'obstacles majeurs au développement, tel que la criminalité, et le manque d'action collective. Les programmes d'aides gouvernementales, tels que les aides conditionnelles, l'assurance chômage, les pensions vieillesses, ou d'autres programmes du même type ayant pour cible le bas de la distribution des richesses, sont devenus un outil de politique publique très populaire dans la lutte contre la pauvreté et les inégalités en zones rurales. Si l'impact de ces programmes sur la pauvreté a fait l'objet d'importantes recherches, l'impact redistributif de telles politiques n'a été que peu étudié à l'échelle des villages eux-mêmes. Une des raisons pour lesquelles cette thématique n'a pas fait l'objet d'une réelle attention est qu'il est couramment admis que les transferts monétaires dirigés vers le bas de la distribution des richesses ("les pauvres"), en excluant la partie haute ("les riches"), devraient permettre la réduction des inégalités. Le présent article montre que l'impact de programmes de ce type sur la réduction des inégalités en zone rurale pourrait s'avérer plus faible que ce l'on pensait. Le bas de distribution des richesses, éligible, et la partie supérieure, non-éligible, ne fonctionnent en effet pas de manière indépendante. Ils sont liés par leurs interactions sur les marchés du crédit et de l'assurance, ainsi que sur ceux des facteurs et des biens. Si, par conséquent, les aides gouvernementales permettent une élévation du niveau des richesses en bas de la distribution, la partie haute en bénéficiera elle aussi, ce qui se traduit donc in fine par une réduction modeste des inégalités au niveau local.

Uno de los documentos más importantes en Historia Agraria, la Pragmática de 4 de marzo de 1633 supone un punto de inflexión en las relaciones de la Mesta con la Corona, al fracturarse para siempre el manido proteccionismo y confirmar el declive irreversible de la trashumancia. Ajeno a la responsabilidad histórica, Felipe IV ni pudo, ni quiso, adoptar una política de apoyo a la recuperación de la Cabaña Real y de la ganadería estante, sumergidas en un mundo agrario hostil y en decadencia y vapuleadas por ordenanzas locales, jurisdicciones especiales, intereses oligárquicos, impuestos abusivos, acotamientos, carestía de las hierbas o pérdida de los usos comunales. El texto de la Pragmática constituye una magnífica radiografía de los problemas y aspiraciones del Honrado Concejo, que todavía conservaba el compromiso de dirigir el programa pecuario castellano otorgado en los privilegios fundacionales. ; One of the most important documents in Agrarian History, the Pragmatic of March 4, 1633 supposes an inflection point in the relations between the Mesta to the Crown, after the well-worn proteccionismo finally fractures, and confirms the irreversible slope of the trashumancia. Oblivious to the historical responsibility, Felipe IV neither could, nor wanted, to adopt a policy to support the recovery of the Cabaña Real and of the settled cattle, plunged in a hostile and in decline agrarian world and thrashed by local ordinances, special jurisdictions, oligarchical interests, excessive taxes, berms, scarcity of the grasses or loss of the communal uses. The text of the Pragmatic provides an excellent radiography of the problems and aspirations of the Honrado Concejo, which there was still preserving the commitment to lead the Castilian cattle program granted in the founding privileges. ; Un des documents plus importants en Histoire Agricole, la Pragmatique du 4 mars 1633 suppose un point de flexion dans les relations de la Mesta avec la Couronne, en étant rompu pour toujours le vieux protectionnisme et confirmée la baisse irréversible de la trashumance. Étranger à la responsabilité historique, Felipe IV ni a pu, ni a voulu, adopter une politique d'appui à la récupération du Cheptel Royal et du bétail fixe, submergés dans un monde agricole hostile et en décadence et ravagés par des décrets locaux, des juridictions spéciales, intérêts oligarchiques, impôts abusifs, clos, la pénurie des herbes ou la perte des utilisations communales. Le texte de la Pragmatique constitue une radiographie magnifique des problèmes et aspirations du Conseil, qui conservait encore le compromis de diriger le programme d'élevage Castillan accordé dans les privilèges constitutifs. En alemán: Die Verordnung (Pragmática) vom 4. März 1633 ist eines der wichtigsten Dokumente der Agrargeschichte, die einen Wendepunkt in den Beziehungen der Mesta (d.h. der kastilischen Tierzüchtervereinigung) mit der Krone gebracht hat. Denn für immer zerbrach der schon überreife proteccionismo. Außerdem bestätigte sich darin der unumkehrbare Niedergang des Weidewechsels. Weit weg von historischer Verantwortung konnte noch wollte Philipp IV. eine Unterstützungspolitik hinsichtlich der Wiedererlangung der Cabaña Real und dem Viehhandel einnehmen, die in einer agrarisch feindlich geprägten und im Verfall befindlichen Welt aufkamen, und die durch örtliche Anweisungen, besondere Gerichtsbarkeit, oligarchische Interessen, übermäßige Steuern, Schranken, Gewürzknappheit und Verlust an gemeindlichen Bräuchen gegängelt wurden. Der Text der Pragmática bildet eine herrliche Radiographie der Schwierigkeiten und Bestrebungen des "Ehrenwerten Rates" (Honrado Concejo), der nach wie vor die Zwischenlösung beibehielt, das kastilische Viehprogramm nach den Gründungsprivilegien umzusetzen.

Telah diyakini bahwa untuk mencapai visi Indonesia Sehat 2010 pembiayaan rumah sakit merupakan salah satu faktor penting yang mempengaruhi kualitas kesehatan masyarakat. Namun, menurut indikator Indeks Pembangunan Manusia, Indonesia masih menempati posisi ke-110 dari 117 negara di dunia. Penelitian ini telah dilaksanakan untuk memahamipolitik dan kebijakan pembiayaan pengelolaan rumah sakit pemerintah DKI Jakarta. Dua rumah sakit milik Pemerintah DKI Jakarta, yaitu Rumah Sakit Pasar Rebo dan Rumah Sakit Duren Sawit dipilih sebagai sampel. Studi ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dimana pengambilan data primer dilakukan dengan cara wawancara mendalam. Pada kedua rumah sakit ini dikumpulkan data mengenai peraturan dan regulasi serta keuangan rumah sakit selama tahun 2004-2008. Hasil analisis aktor, konten, konteks, dan proses menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan pembiayaan rumah sakit terdiri dari penentuan tarif, subsidi anggaran pendapatan dan belanja daerah (APBD), keluarga miskin (gakin), dan surat keterangan tidak mampu (SKTM) serta pola pembiayaan yang terkait dengan status kelembagaan. Dalam penetapankebijakan ini, anggota dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah (DPRD) merupakan aktor utama. Proses pengambilan keputusan untuk menetapkan agenda dan rumusan keuangan masih belum sempurna sehingga menghambat pelaksanaannya. Selain itu, proses evaluasi dan adaptasi kebijakan pembiayaan belum dilaksanakan dengan baik. Dibutuhkan diskusi dan kerja sama antara berbagai aktor kebijakan untuk menghasilkan kebijakan. Administrator rumah sakit berfungsi strategis untuk melakukan upaya peningkatan secara internal menuju kemandirian rumah sakit dan kemandirian eksternal dengan cara advokasi pihak legislatif untuk perbaikan kebijakan selanjutnya.Kata kunci: Politik dan kebijakan, pembiayaan rumah sakit, rumah sakit pemerintahAbstractIt is believed that to achieve Healthy Indonesia 2010 vision health financing is a significant factor that affects the quality public health. However, according to Human Development Index's indicators, Indonesia is at 110th position of 177 countries in the world. The present study has been carriedout to understand the politic and financing policy in the management of government hospitals own by DKI Jakarta. Two DKI Jakarta own hospitals i.e. Pasar Rebo Hospital and Duren Sawit Hospital were selected as samples. This study is qualitative research with using indepth interviews. To collectprimery data deal with relevan roles from which the data on hospital rules and regulations as well as finance were collected during 2004-2008 period. The results of actor, content, context, and process analyses showed that financing policy consists of tariff, local revenue and expenditure budget(APBD) subsidy, poor households (gakin), notification letter for the poor (SKTM) as well as financial pattern related to hospital status. In deciding this policy, legislators of local people representative (DPRD) are the main actors. Decision making process of financing agenda and formulation was imperfect which in turn causes implementation constraint. In addition, financing policy evaluation, and adaptation processes are not implemented properly. It takes discussions and cooperation between various policy actors to produce policy. Hospital administrator who has a stategic funtionshould make effort to improve internal hospital toward independence as well as external hospital by advocates legislative to correct next policy. Key words: Politic and policy, hospital financing, government hospital

Es Julia Otxoa (San Sebastián, 1953) una poeta que desde finales de los años 70 viene mostrando una sostenida preocupación pr la barbarie del ser humano: es la experiencia del siglo XX (cuyo emblema es la II Guerra Mundial) y es la experiencia del País Vasco desde la Guerra Civil, pasando por la represión franquista, hasta la democracia ensombrecida por el terrorismo. La poesía de Otxoa comienza denunciando la destrucción del amor en un lenguaje de filiación irracionalista que va desde Composición entre la luz y la sombra (1978) hasta Centauro (1989). Pero en sus últimos libros, desde La edad de los bárbaros (1997) hasta La lentitud de la luz (2008), el humanismo comprometido de su voz se abre a una refexión esencialista en torno als sentimiento de extrañamiento, la extranjeridad como patria y destino, la comunión con la naturaleza y el entrañamiento en la infancia, y la necesidad de (re)inventar un lenguaje del silencio con el quehir de la palabrería oficial y el comercio de la mentira. ; Es Julia Otxoa (San Sebastián, 1953) una poeta que desde finales de los años 70 viene mostrando una sostenida preocupación pr la barbarie del ser humano: es la experiencia del siglo XX (cuyo emblema es la II Guerra Mundial) y es la experiencia del País Vasco desde la Guerra Civil, pasando por la represión franquista, hasta la democracia ensombrecida por el terrorismo. La poesía de Otxoa comienza denunciando la destrucción del amor en un lenguaje de filiación irracionalista que va desde Composición entre la luz y la sombra (1978) hasta Centauro (1989). Pero en sus últimos libros, desde La edad de los bárbaros (1997) hasta La lentitud de la luz (2008), el humanismo comprometido de su voz se abre a una refexión esencialista en torno als sentimiento de extrañamiento, la extranjeridad como patria y destino, la comunión con la naturaleza y el entrañamiento en la infancia, y la necesidad de (re)inventar un lenguaje del silencio con el quehir de la palabrería oficial y el comercio de la mentira. ; Júlia Otxoa (San Sebastián, 1953) is a poet who, from the late 1970s, has shown a constant concern at human barbarity: it is the experience of the 20th century (the symbol of which is World War II) and it is the experience of the Basque Country from the Civil War, all through the repression of Franco's regime, to the democracy darkened by terrorism. Otxoa's poetry begins denouncing the destruction of love in a language of irrationalist leanings which goes from Composición entre la luz y la sombra (1978) to Centauro (1989). Yet, in her latest books, from La edad de los bárbaros (1997) to La lentitud de la luz (2008), the committed humanism of her voice opens to an essentialist reflection centered on the feeling of estrangement, foreignness as homeland and destiny, the communion with nature and the rooting in childhood, and the necessity to (re)invent a language of silence with which to escape official talk and the commerce of lies.

The Atlantic World, 1450-2000, edited by Toyin Falola & Kevin D. Roberts (reviewed by Aaron Spencer Fogleman) The Slave Ship: A Human History, by Marcus Rediker (reviewed by Justin Roberts) Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlantic Slave Trade Database, edited by David Eltis & David Richardson (reviewed by Joseph C. Miller) "New Negroes from Africa": Slave Trade Abolition and Free African Settlement in the Nineteenth-Century Caribbean, by Rosanne Marion Adderley (reviewed by Nicolette Bethel) Atlantic Diasporas: Jews, Conversos, and Crypto-Jews in the Age of Mercantilism, 1500-1800, edited by Richard L. Kagan & Philip D. Morgan (reviewed by Jonathan Schorsch) Brother's Keeper: The United States, Race, and Empire in the British Caribbean, 1937-1962, by Jason C. Parker (reviewed by Charlie Whitham) Labour and the Multiracial Project in the Caribbean: Its History and Promise, by Sara Abraham (reviewed by Douglas Midgett) Envisioning Caribbean Futures: Jamaican Perspectives, by Brian Meeks (reviewed by Gina Athena Ulysse) Archibald Monteath: Igbo, Jamaican, Moravian, by Maureen Warner-Lewis (reviewed by Jon Sensbach) Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones, by Carole Boyce Davies (reviewed by Linden Lewis) Displacements and Transformations in Caribbean Cultures, edited by Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert & Ivette Romero-Cesareo (reviewed by Bill Maurer) Caribbean Migration to Western Europe and the United States: Essays on Incorporation, Identity, and Citizenship, edited by Margarita Cervantes-Rodríguez, Ramón Grosfoguel & Eric Mielants (reviewed by Gert Oostindie) Home Cooking in the Global Village: Caribbean Food from Buccaneers to Ecotourists, by Richard Wilk (reviewed by William H. Fisher) Dead Man in Paradise: Unraveling a Murder from a Time of Revolution, by J.B. MacKinnon (reviewed by Edward Paulino) Tropical Zion: General Trujillo, FDR, and the Jews of Sosúa, by Allen Wells (reviewed by Michael R. Hall) Downtown Ladies: Informal Commercial Importers, a Haitian Anthropologist, and Self-Making in Jamaica, by Gina A. Ulysse (reviewed by Jean Besson) Une ethnologue à Port-au-Prince: Question de couleur et luttes pour le classement socio-racial dans la capitale haïtienne, by Natacha Giafferi-Dombre (reviewed by Catherine Benoît) Haitian Vodou: Spirit, Myth, and Reality, edited by Patrick Bellegarde-Smith & Claudine Michel (reviewed by Susan Kwosek) Cuba: Religion, Social Capital, and Development, by Adrian H. Hearn (reviewed by Nadine Fernandez) "Mek Some Noise": Gospel Music and the Ethics of Style in Trinidad, by Timothy Rommen (reviewed by Daniel A. Segal)Routes and Roots: Navigating Caribbean and Pacific Island Literatures, by Elizabeth M. DeLoughrey (reviewed by Anthony Carrigan) Claude McKay, Code Name Sasha: Queer Black Marxism and the Harlem Renaissance, by Gary Edward Holcomb (reviewed by Brent Hayes Edwards) The Sense of Community in French Caribbean Fiction, by Celia Britton (reviewed by J. Michael Dash) Imaging the Chinese in Cuban Literature and Culture, by Ignacio López-Calvo (reviewed by Stephen Wilkinson) Pre-Columbian Jamaica, by P. Allsworth-Jones (reviewed by William F. Keegan) Underwater and Maritime Archaeology in Latin America and the Caribbean, edited by Margaret E. Leshikar-Denton & Pilar Luna Erreguerena (reviewed by Erika Laanela)

Im Jahr 2000 führte die Europäische Union (EU) die Wasserrahmenrichtlinie (WRRL) ein, eines der weltweit modernsten Gesetze zum Thema Wasser, dessen vorrangiges Ziel es ist, bis zum Jahr 2015 den "guten ökologischen" Zustand von Fliessgewässern zu erreichen. Fische sind als besonders sensibel gegenüber anthropogenen Eingriffen (Hydrologie, Morphologie, Kontinuum und Wasserqualität) bekannt, deswegen wurden sie für die WRRL als mögliche Indikatoren, welche den ökologischen Zustand anzeigen können, ausgewählt. Ein wesentliches Ziel dieser Dissertation ist daher die Entwicklung und Evaluierung einer geeigneten Methode zur Bewertung der ökologischen Funktionsfähigkeit von Fliessgewässern. Um den aktuellen Zustand der europäischen Fischfauna unter Berücksichtigung von verschiedenen Belastungen analysieren zu können, wurde zunächst eine Datenbank mit mehr als 8 200 Probenstellen samt Fisch-, Umwelt- und Belastungsdaten zusammengestellt. Zusätzlich wurden relevante Kriterien definiert, die Art und den Grad der anthropogenen Belastungen charakterisieren. Zwei unterschiedliche Ansätze zur Bewertung wurden schliesslich gewählt: die so genannten "spatially based" Modelle (SBM EU) und ein multimetrisches Modell, dem später weiterentwickelten Europäischen Fischindex (EFI, Pont et al. 2007). Ein Vorteil des EFI ist, dass er, obwohl aus einem Index bestehend, in weiten Bereichen anwendbar ist, was eine Vergleichbarkeit von Bewertungsergebnissen innerhalb der EU ermöglichen soll. Multivariate Analyseverfahren von verschiedenen Belastungstypen, samt der neuerdings zu berücksichtigenden Klimaerwärmung, auf verschiedenen räumlichen und zeitlichen Betrachtungsebenen, erlauben die Quantifizierung des Zusammenhanges von Fisch und Eingriff. Zukünftige Forschungen sollen vor allem den kumulativen Einfluss von Belastungen beinhalten. Zusätzlich unterstützen Habitatmodellierungen die Auswahl und Beurteilung von geeigneten Restaurationsmassnahmen, um, wie von der WRRL gefordert, den guten ökologischen Zustand von Fliessgewässern zu erreichen. Diese Arbeit wurde hauptsächlich im Rahmen von FAME (http://fame.boku.ac.at), einem Projekt des fünften Rahmenprogramms der EU, erstellt. ; In the year 2000, the most modern water legislation in the world the Water Framework Directive (WFD) was launched by the European Union. One of its key objectives is to achieve the "good ecological status" of running waters within the next 15 years. As fish are known to be sensitive to chemical and hydromorphological pressures, in particular continuum interruptions, the WFD consider them as potential indicators for assessing the ecological status of rivers. Therefore, the objectives of this PhD thesis were to develop and evaluate a standardised fish-based method for assessing the ecological status of European running waters. In order to analyse the present status of the European fish fauna with regard to typical chemical and hydromorphological pressures, a database containing information on more than 8,200 fishing sites was compiled. Relevant criteria characterising anthropogenic pressures such as hydrological alterations (flow diversion, hydro-peaking), impoundment, channelisation, continuum interruptions (lateral, longitudinal) and water quality changes were defined. Two different methodologies were used: the so-called spatially based modelling (SBM EU) and multi-metric modelling, the latter leading to the European Fish Index (EFI, Pont et al. 2007). Despite being a single index the EFI is applicable to a wide range of environmental conditions across Europe and is suitable for intercalibration purposes. Multivariate analyses of different types of pressures including global warming on different spatial and temporal scales permit a quantification of relationships between pressures and fish. Future publications should focus on the cumulative impact of pressures. Additionally, habitat modelling results should be used to support the selection of the most appropriate combination of restoration measures, according to the WFD, to achieve good ecological status or potential of running waters. This thesis was carried out mainly within FAME (http://fame.boku.ac.at), a project under the fifth R&D Framework Programme of the European Commission. ; verf. und eingereicht von Andreas Helmut Melcher ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Wien, Univ. für Bodenkultur, Diss., 2009 ; OeBB ; (VLID)1931692