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This paper examines classical interpretations in the field of Social Science of the changes experienced by trade unions during the self-named "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" military government which ruled the country between 1976 and 1983. This aims to identify problematic areas which have been passed on to this area of study. Its current use shall then be questioned and neglected issues that should be considered will be highlighted in order to build a new synthesis on the effects of the social restructuring experienced during the last dictatorshipEn este trabajo se analizan las interpretaciones clásicas en las Ciencias Sociales sobre las transformaciones vividas por las organizaciones sindicales durante el gobierno cívico militar autodenominado "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" que gobernó el país entre 1976 y 1983 con el fin de identificar aspectos problemáticos que las mismas legaron al campo de estudios. A partir de allí se cuestionará su utilización actual y se señalarán temas desatendidos que debieran ser considerados para una nueva síntesis sobre los efectos que tuvo la reestructuración social vivida durante la última dictadura

[Resumen] A pesar de que los avances en igualdad de mujeres y hombres han sido el gran cambio social desde la aprobación de la Constitución española, entre los temas sobre la reforma constitucional que trascienden en el debate político y social está prácticamente ausente la perspectiva feminista. Un cambio constitucional desde esta perspectiva implica una "reforma constituyente" como resultado de la consideración de dos cuestiones claves: las consecuencias de la división público-privado de los espacios donde se producen y reproducen las distintas relaciones humanas, y el reconocimiento de la subjetividad política y jurídica de las mujeres ; [Abstract] Although advances in equality of women and men have been the great social change since the adoption of the Spanish Constitution, including constitutional reform issues that transcend political and social debate is virtually absent feminist perspective. A constitutional change from this perspective involves a "constituent reform" as a result of the consideration of two key issues: the consequences of public-private division of the spaces where they produce and reproduce the various human relationships, and recognition of political and legal subjectivity for women.

This article argues that a new popular social history, the 'history of everyday life', emerged in England after the First World War. Couched in the rhetoric of 'democratization', this version of social history was an afterlife of the Arts and Crafts movement and is the prehistory of post-1945 mass history teaching and popular heritage tourism techniques. However, it occupies an ambiguous historiographical position between the decline of Victorian romantic and Whiggish histories, and the rise of 'history from below' in the 1960s. Therefore, the 'history of everyday life' has hitherto been poorly conceptualized. This article unpacks this new social history using the life and work of Charles Henry Bourne Quennell (1872–1935) and his wife Marjorie Quennell (1883–1972). The Quennells were the authors and illustrators of a four-volume series of interwar bestsellers called A History of Everyday Things in England, which remained in print until the late 1960s. Through an examination of the intellectual influences, networks of socialization, and practical activities surrounding these books and their authors, a significant but under-examined window into the history of British social history is revealed.

This book offers a unique contribution, exploring how the intersections among migrants and radical squatter's movements have evolved over past decades. The complexity and importance of squatting practices are analyzed from a bottom-up perspective, to demonstrate how the spaces of squatting can be transformed by migrants. With contributions from scholars, scholar-activists, and activists, this book provides unique insights into how squatting has offered an alternative to dominant anti-immigrant policies, and the implications of squatting on the social acceptance of migrants. It illustrates the different mechanisms of protest followed in solidarity by migrant squatters and Social Center activists, when discrimination comes from above or below, and explores how can different spatialities be conceived and realized by radical practices. Contributions adopt a variety of perspectives, from critical human geography, social movement studies, political sociology, urban anthropology, autonomous Marxism, feminism, open localism, anarchism and post-structuralism, to analyze and contextualize migrants and squatters' exclusion and social justice issues. This book is a timely and original contribution through its exploration of migrations, squatting and radical autonomy.

A pesar de que los avances en igualdad de mujeres y hombres han sido el gran cambio social desde la aprobación de la Constitución española, entre los temas sobre la reforma constitucional que trascienden en el debate político y social está prácticamente ausente la perspectiva feminista. Un cambio constitucional desde esta perspectiva implica una "reforma constituyente" como resultado de la consideración de dos cuestiones claves: las consecuencias de la división público-privado de los espacios donde se producen y reproducen las distintas relaciones humanas, y el reconocimiento de la subjetividad política y jurídica de las mujeres. ; Although advances in equality of women and men have been the great social change since the adoption of the Spanish Constitution, including constitutional reform issues that transcend political and social debate is virtually absent feminist perspective. A constitutional change from this perspective involves a "constituent reform" as a result of the consideration of two key issues: the consequences of public-private division of the spaces where they produce and reproduce the various human relationships, and recognition of political and legal subjectivity for women.

Trust is a fundamental concept that underpins the coherence and resilience of social systems and shapes human behavior. Despite the importance of trust as a social and psychological concept, the concept has not gained much attention from evolutionary game theorists. In this letter, an N-player trust-based social dilemma game is introduced. While the theory shows that a society with no untrustworthy individuals would yield maximum wealth to both the society as a whole and the individuals in the long run, evolutionary dynamics show this ideal situation is reached only in a special case when the initial population contains no untrustworthy individuals. When the initial population consists of even the slightest number of untrustworthy individuals, the society converges to zero trusters, with many untrustworthy individuals. The promotion of trust is an uneasy task, despite the fact that a combination of trusters and trustworthy trustees is the most rational and optimal social state. This letter presents the game and results of replicator dynamics in a hope that researchers in evolutionary games see opportunities in filling this critical gap in the literature.

RESUMEN La Economía Política del Desarrollo estudia el progreso de la sociedad desde un punto de vista multidimensional, teniendo en cuenta variables económicas, políticas, culturales, geográficas, jurídicas y sociales, entre otras. Conceptos propios de esta disciplina, como desarrollo, pobreza y desigualdad, son actualmente estudiados en la asignatura de Economía de 1º de Bachillerato de la modalidad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. A través de este trabajo se analiza cómo contribuye esta materia, así como otras actividades educativas asociadas a la misma, a entender, interpretar y mejorar el mundo por parte del alumnado de Bachillerato. ; ABSTRACT The Political Economy of Development studies the progress of society from a multidimensional point of view, taking into account social, cultural, geographic, legal, political and economic elements. Concepts of this discipline, such as development, poverty and inequality, are currently studied in the subject of Economics in Humanities and Social Sciences at A levels. This paper analyzes how this subject contributes, as well as other associated educational activities, to understand, interpret and improve the world by the students of high school. ; Máster en Formación del Profesorado de Educación Secundaria

Community employment policies have been developed throughout the construction process of the European Union. Since the Lisbon Strategy, Europe´s economic approaches have gradually been strengthened, making it the most competitive and dynamic economy in the world. However, its criteria seeks to cut some social security benefits and endanger workers' rights. The twentieth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, largely as a result of the violation of human and social rights, is a source of reflection and collaboration among European States. ; Las políticas de empleo comunitarias se han desarrollado a lo largo del proceso de construcción de la Unión Europea. Desde la Estrategia de Lisboa se ha reforzado la introducción progresiva de planteamientos economicistas para hacer de Europa la economía más competitiva y dinámica del mundo. Sin embargo, estos criterios pretenden recortar ciertas garantías sociales y ponen en peligro los derechos de los trabajadores. El vigésimo aniversario de la caída del muro de Berlín, en gran medida fruto de la violación de garantías humanas y sociales, constituye un motivo de reflexión y de colaboración entre los Estados europeos.

This article is a reflection on violent conflicts in Colombia, taking into account both the position of the actors, and the structural elements conditioning them. The author understands conflict not as a pathology but as a normal space expressing social cleavages. Prom this starting point, the article analyzes the relationship between politics and violence in Colombia, considers its internal and external influences, places emphasis on Colombian political and social exclusion, and describes the possible scenarios in which these conflicts could be resolved. ; Este artículo reflexiona sobre los conflictos que aquejan a la sociedad colombiana, teniendo en consideración a los actores y a los elementos objetivos y estructurales que los condicionan. Se parte de entender al conflicto no como algo patológico sino como un espacio normal de divergencia social. Además de ello, el autor analiza la relación entre política y violencia en Colombia, considera los elementos de tipo interno y externo que han determinado esta relación, enfatiza sobre los rasgos de exclusión social y política que han caracterizado a Colombia, y analiza los escenarios posibles de resolución del conflicto colombiano.

The government of Rwanda has pursued reconciliation with great determination in the belief that it is the only moral alternative to post-genocide social challenges. In Rwanda, communities must be mobilised and reshaped for social, political and economic reconstruction. This creates a rather delicate situation. Among other strategies, the state has turned to the concepts of confession and forgiveness which have deep religious roots, and systematised them both at the individual and community or state level in order to bring about reconciliation, justice, social cohesion and ultimately economic development. In view of these strategies and challenges, some of the important questions are: Does forgiveness restore victims and empower them to heal their communities? What empirical evidence exists that religiously inspired justice and reconciliation processes after mass political violence make a difference? In what areas might the understanding of religious thought and activity towards transitional justice be deepened? These questions provide the backdrop against which I examine the case of post-genocide Rwanda in this article. A hermeneutic interpretative analysis is used to situate the phenomena of forgiveness, confession and social transformation within the specific context of post-conflict societies.

El presente trabajo analiza la festividadaymaraconocida como lasñatitasen la ciudad de La Paz (Bolivia) y su particular concepción del cuerpo-muerto. A partir de algunas discusiones contemporáneas sobre el cuerpo en las ciencias sociales, se indica que las concepciones sobre el cuerpo y la muerte de los aymaras hacen énfasis en lo comunitario. Además, se señala que esta fiesta y sus singulares prácticas se constituyen en ejemplo de una resistencia cultural codificada, un espacio con potencial de transformación de la realidad social. Palabras clave: antropología del cuerpo / cuerpo político / indígenas aymaras bolivianos / resistencia cultural Abstract This article analyzes the Aymara's festivities, also known as ñatitas, in La Paz (Bolivia) and its particular conception of the dead-body. Based on some contemporary discussions from social sciences about the body, the article argues that Aymara's conceptions of the body and death emphasizes on community life. In addition, the festivity and its unique practices constitute an example of coded cultural resistance, a potential space for social transformation. Keywords: anthropology of the body / political body / bolivian aymara people / cultural resistance

Leadership Style, Organizational Climate, Employee Compensation and Work Behaviour. This study aims to know the influence of leadership style, organizational climate as well as compensation to the behavior of employees working at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Riau either simultaneously or partially. The study population was the entire staff of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Riau as many as 76 people. Data were collected using questionnaires. Data analysis method used is multiple linear regression method using SPSS for Windows version 17. The results showed that partially or jointly variable in this study both the style of leadership, organizational climate or compensation significantly influence the behavior of employees working at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Riau. From the results of the study also found that organizational climate variables into the most dominant variable influencing the behavior of employees working at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Riau followed by variable compensation for second dominant and leadership style.

This book has to do with the language and cultural politics of ritual violence in a minority religious community in highland Sulawesi, Indonesia. More particularly, it is about headhunting ceremonies and their stubborn presence in the contemporary social life of a marginal, upland enclave, an enclave that has suffered the wounds of social and cultural dislocation just by staying in place. No longer so remotely situated from the centers of state and post-colonial order, this minority community has had to look for social terrain in which its legitimacy and autonomy can be asserted. In their search, they use what is at hand as well as that which has been brought from over the horizon. The discourse and violence of headhunting ritual have been tangled up in the social life and struggles of this enclave for a long time. Becoming familiar with the discursive construction of violence in the theater of head-hunting ritual is, for me, a way to acknowledge and make plain what this community has at stake as it tries to shape its history and its fate.

This paper explores the integration of different social fields within the German Energy Transition (Energiewende) discourse in the election year 2013 by analysing the hyperlink structures online. Energiewende describes the fundamental transition from non-renewable energy to sustainable sources. This goal is both ambitious and controversial. Numerous stakeholders try to make their voices and interests heard and as such politics has to both disseminate and collect information in order to include all relevant groups from different social fields in the political process. This discourse is also visible online. By analysing the hyperlink structures we are able to see the attention distribution of different actor groups in the network. This study shows that most actors tend to link within their own social field and do not aim for a more integrated public sphere. Especially political actors appear to be lone warriors who neither look left or right and mostly link within their own party and ignore other actors. Whereas social field as the media or public administration are relevant within the network we find that scientific actors are ignored by all fields, except for their own.

Political decentralization is often argued to strengthen political accountability by bringing government closer to the people. Social and civic institutions at the local level, such as lineage associations, temples, churches, or social clubs, can make it easier for citizens to monitor officials and hold them accountable. This article argues that strong social institutions also empower local elites who may use their informal influence to control their group and capture rents. Drawing on evidence from case studies of Chinese villages, the article shows that lineage group leaders who become village officials use their combination of social and political authority to confiscate villagers' land. Evidence from a survey experiment suggests that endorsement of a land confiscation plan by lineage elites elicits greater compliance with property seizures. A national survey indicates that when a lineage leader becomes a village cadre, it is associated with a 14 to 20 percent increase in the likelihood of a land expropriation. The findings demonstrate how informal institutions and local civil society can be tools of top-down political control. (World Politics / SWP)