Suchergebnisse

Como un fenómeno de las sociedades agrarias, Colombia fue uno de los países con mayores casos de bandolerismo en América Latina y el mundo, en especial el centro occidente de su actual territorio. Precisamente, en el municipio de Quinchía y poblaciones vecinas se creó la leyenda y casi el mito de un vengador social que asumió la causa de los campesinos minifundistas cafeteros y de los miembros del partido Liberal, perseguidos por una perversa alianza entre el Estado, la policía, el ejército y el partido Conservador. Este bandolero, además, se invistió de una especie de halo de "Robín Hood de los bosques" para encarnar una larga lucha de resistencia indígena desde los tiempos coloniales hasta la actualidad. Explicar el fenómeno del capitán Venganza en este largo proceso de resistencia, verbigracia del contexto polítco y social en el cual surgió el bandolerismo social no sólo en Colombia sin en el mundo, es el propósito de este artículo.ABSTRACT: Like a problem of the agrarian societies, Colombia was the one of countries with greater cases of banditry in Latin America and world, in special the center the West of its present territory. Indeed, in the municipality of Quinchía and neighboring populations invented the legend and almost the myth of a social avenger who adopted the cause of the farmers coffee small farm ownwers and the members of the Liberal party, persecuted by a perverse alliance between the State, policeman, army, and the Conservite Party. This brigand, besides, adopted of a species of I haul myself of Robín Hood of wodds to incarnate one long fight of indígena resitance from the colonial times to the present time. To explain the problem of Capitán Venganza in this long process of resistance, for example of the political and social context in which surgió social banditry not only in Colombia but the world, is the objective of this article.

Este artigo argumenta que a democracia e a boa governação em África são actualmente enfraquecidas pela comparativa ausência de actores colectivos capazes de exigir prestações de contas ao Estado. Esta fraqueza tem a sua origem na construção social da selfhood, ou subjectividade, prevalecente no continente e que geralmente assume formas fragmentadas ou contraditórias. Por sua vez, este fenómeno é visto como ligado à natureza articulada da formação social em África. A base material do selfhood fragmentado e da fraca acção colectiva é um aspecto ao qual os estudos liberais, radicais e pós-modernos sobre África prestam uma atenção insuficiente. ; This article argues that democracy and good governance in Africa are currently weakened by the comparative absence of collective actor capable of holding the state strongly to account. It traces this weakness to the social construction of selfhood, or subjectivity, on the continent, which typically takes a fragmented or contradictory form. This in turn is linked to the articulated nature of Africa's social formation. The material foundation of fragmented selfhood and weak collective action is a phenomenon given insufficient attention by liberal, radical and post-modern writers on Africa. ; Cet article avance l'hypothèse que la démocratie et la bonne gouvernation en Afrique sont actuellement affaiblies par la relative absence d'acteurs collectifs capables de demander des comptes à l'État. Cette faiblesse a son origine dans la cnstruction sociale de la selfhood, ou subjectivité, qui prévaut sur le continent et qui assume généralement des formes fragmentées ou contradictoires. A son tour, ce phénomène est considéecomme lié à la nature articulée de la formation sociale en Afrique. La base matérielle do selfhood fragmenté et la faible action collective est un aspect auquel les études libérales, radicales et post-modernes sur l'Afrique prêtent une attention insuffisante.

Este artículo es un análisis del proceso ascendente de violencia que se vivió en Albacete tras el triunfo del Frente Popular. Un trabajo en el que se estudia la aplicación de la amnistía política y social; los cambios en las instituciones municipales y provinciales; las mejoras agrarias tendentes a frenar el movimiento radical campesino, así como los diversos conflictos en el campo (especialmente los sucesos sangrientos de Bonete y Yeste); los enfrentamientos políticos y los desórdenes sociales promovidos por sectores muy concretos de la derecha (que proclamaban abiertamente su oposición a la República, mostrándose activos y desafiantes) y de la izquierda, que consideraba que había llegado el momento de mejorar su precaria situación y vengar el comportamiento de la derecha durante el bienio radical-cedista. La atmósfera de violencia callejera, unida a la aplicación de medidas sociales como la reforma agraria, hizo que un sector de propietarios y de las clases medias vieran como única salida la sublevación militar. ; This article analyses the spiral of violence that beset Albacete following the triumph of the Popular Front, and examines the application of the political and social amnesty; changes in the municipal and provincial institutions, agrarian reform designed to curb the radical peasant movement, as well as the various rural conflicts (in particular, the bloody events of Bonete and Yeste); political confrontations and social conflict encouraged by specific sectors of the right, who were active and defiant in declaring their opposition to the Republic, and the left, who felt the time had come to improve their precarious situation and take revenge on the right for their conduct during the radical-cedista two-year period in government. The climate of street violence, together with the application of social measures such as agrarian reform, made a sector of employers and middle classes contemplate military rebellion as the only way out.

This article analyses the spiral of violence that beset Albacete following the triumph of the Popular Front, and examines the application of the political and social amnesty; changes in the municipal and provincial institutions, agrarian reform designed to curb the radical peasant movement, as well as the various rural conflicts (in particular, the bloody events of Bonete and Yeste); political confrontations and social conflict encouraged by specific sectors of the right, who were active and defiant in declaring their opposition to the Republic, and the left, who felt the time had come to improve their precarious situation and take revenge on the right for their conduct during the radical-cedista two-year period in government. The climate of street violence, together with the application of social measures such as agrarian reform, made a sector of employers and middle classes contemplate military rebellion as the only way out. ; Este artículo es un análisis del proceso ascendente de violencia que se vivió en Albacete tras el triunfo del Frente Popular. Un trabajo en el que se estudia la aplicación de la amnistía política y social; los cambios en las instituciones municipales y provinciales; las mejoras agrarias tendentes a frenar el movimiento radical campesino, así como los diversos conflictos en el campo (especialmente los sucesos sangrientos de Bonete y Yeste); los enfrentamientos políticos y los desórdenes sociales promovidos por sectores muy concretos de la derecha (que proclamaban abiertamente su oposición a la República, mostrándose activos y desafiantes) y de la izquierda, que consideraba que había llegado el momento de mejorar su precaria situación y vengar el comportamiento de la derecha durante el bienio radical-cedista. La atmósfera de violencia callejera, unida a la aplicación de medidas sociales como la reforma agraria, hizo que un sector de propietarios y de las clases medias vieran como única salida la sublevación militar.

El cambio social acaecido las últimas décadas desafía la filosofía política. André Gorz puede ser definido como un crítico moderno del productivismo como uno de los mitos fundantes de la modernidad. Revisa críticamente la tradición socialista mostrando la necesidad de reconsiderar la utopía y actualizar las ideologías emancipatorias. En cuanto a epistemología y ontología, asume una combinación de teoría social de la acción básicamente marxista, con una visión fenomenólogica-existencialista del sujeto. Su contribución clave es la descentralización y la reconsideración de la idea de trabajo, como mediación central en la interacción social y el metabolismo naturaleza-sociedad. No ha sido permeable al giro lingüístico y la crisis del sujeto en la filosofía contemporánea, pero ha abierto una perspectiva postproductivista en el análisis contemporáneo vinculando el postmarxismo con el ecologismo político en un mismo marco teórico coherente. ; The social shift suffered last decades poses new challenges to Political Philosophy. André Gorz can be faced as a modern critic who points out productivism as one of the funding myths of modernity. He critically reviews the socialist tradition showing the need to reconsider the utopia and actualise emancipator ideologies. Related to epistemology and ontology, Gorz assumes a combination of social theory based on the idea of praxis (mainly Marxian) with a phenomenological-existentialist view of the subject. The key contribution in his work is the de-centralisation and re-consideration of the idea of labour, as core mediation in social interaction and nature-society metabolism. He is far to be receptive to the debate open by linguistic turn and the crisis of subject in contemporary philosophy, but he has opened a postproductivist outlook of industrial society that link postmarxism and political ecology into a coherent theoretical framework.

[ES] Este artículo analiza los desafíos actuales para el desarrollo de una Tercera Vía de corte social democrático en América Latina. Una vez revisadas las diferentes perspectivas y criticas en torno a dicho proyecto, este trabajo especula sobre su proceso de implementación y las posibilidades que el mismo brinda para la formación tanto de un nuevo Régimen Internacional de Política (RIP) como de un nuevo Sistema Global de Bienestar (SGB). El argumento principal es que a pesar del impacto significativo que los aggiornados proyectos social democráticos tendrían sobre la formación de un RIP en América Latina, el protagonismo y relevancia social y político de la Tercera Vía serían menores sin la simultánea articulación de un SGB, algo que los autores estiman como poco probable. El artículo concluye con una discusión sobre los posibles escenarios alternativos para la Tercera Vía y los procesos de transformación social y política en América Latina. ; [EN] This article analyzes current efforts to develop a progressive "Third Way" to social and political reform in Latin America. After briefly reviewing the perspectives of advocates and critics of such a political strategy, the article distinguishes the likely future of such a strategy in shaping the emergence of (1) a new "International Policy Regime" (IPR); and (2) a "Global Welfare System" (GWS). The anide argues that although "Third Way" projects are likely to have a significant impact in shaping a new IPR in Latin America, they are less likely to result in the development of a GWS. Without the latter, the greatest political impact of a "Third Way" is likely to be restricted primarily to high income countries. We conclude by discussing alternative scenarios for "Third Way" reform and the implications of these projects for contemporary patterns of social and political change in Latin America.

The article examines the economic condition, life styles, and economic and political orientations of the social stratum which identifies itself with the middle class. In particular, based on results of empirical social studies, it is demonstrated that this stratum is heterogeneous enough. Moreover, the differentiation within this subjective class by economic conditions of life (incomes, provision with property) and self-estimate is higher than by economic and political orientations. The economic crises deteriorated the situation of those who affiliate themselves with the middle class but has not changed the scale of selfidentification. Although Russia does not very sufficiently differ from advanced industrial countries by the scale of self-identification with the middle class, by the objective characteristics of standard of living and self-estimates of own social status, only a considerably small part of the subjective middle class can be considered a prototype of Russia's future middle class. ; The article examines the economic condition, life styles, and economic and political orientations of the social stratum which identifies itself with the middle class. In particular, based on results of empirical social studies, it is demonstrated that this stratum is heterogeneous enough. Moreover, the differentiation within this subjective class by economic conditions of life (incomes, provision with property) and self-estimate is higher than by economic and political orientations. The economic crises deteriorated the situation of those who affiliate themselves with the middle class but has not changed the scale of selfidentification. Although Russia does not very sufficiently differ from advanced industrial countries by the scale of self-identification with the middle class, by the objective characteristics of standard of living and self-estimates of own social status, only a considerably small part of the subjective middle class can be considered a prototype of Russia's future middle class.

This paper develops a critical viewpoint on the concepts of participation and "concertación" in the housing plans and programs, the key question being which would be the viewpoints of the different people taking part. Other questions are why, what for and how do each of the participants understand the use of such principles, the paper also questions the statement that their application implies the inclusion of progress oriented and democratic projects which promote social changes with equity. It is here stated that social politics are being "covered with a discursive layer" which most times does not resist the smallest critic. The text has a literary style and dramatizes the problem through a fictitious report of a public institution's meeting, where the participants have different and even opposing expectations. Every day circumstances from a country's civil-social life are here mentioned, stressing how the differing criteria shown in public behavior may sometimes alter the authenticity of people's values. ; El presente artículo desarrolla una visión crítica sobre los conceptos de participación y concertación en los planes y programas habitacionales, interrogándose "cuáles" serán los puntos de vista de los diferentes agentes que intervienen. Escudriña los "porqué, para qué y cómo", entiende cada uno de los agentes, la utilización de tales principios, cuestionando la seguridad que en su aplicación esté implícito la inclusión de proyectos progresistas, democráticos y promotores del cambio social con equidad. Afirma que las políticas sociales se han cubierto de un "barniz discursivo" que no muchas veces resiste las más mínima revisión. El texto se presenta con un estilo literario, que dramatiza la problemática a través de un relato ficticio de una reunión en un organismo público, donde los asistentes acuden con expectativas diferentes y encontradas, dando interés a circunstancias cotidianas del acontecer cívico-social de un país y resaltando la disparidad de criterios con que el comportamiento en público puede ...

As we gather at this Symposium to probe the definition of democracy in the coming century, it seems fitting to note that we are continuing a very old political conversation rather than initiating a new one. The meaning of democracy has long been contested. One of the most vexing aspects of the debate has always centered on whether and how to limit the majority's prerogative to act in ways that disadvantage minorities. Viewed from a different angle, the question is how to configure the relationship between majority preferences and equality norms. It is the basic dilemma of democratic equality: What kind and measure of equality does democracy require? Formal political equality alone? Social, economic, or cultural equality as an aspect of political equality? On what basis? Although a topic of lively debate among political theorists, these questions by no means constitute a purely academic exercise. Constitutional law regularly enters this debate as courts confront laws that reflect, create, or entrench social inequality, by which I mean group-based social subordination, stigmatization, or disadvantage. When courts decide whether majoritarian laws of this kind violate constitutional equality norms, judges necessarily-if only tacitly-join the enterprise of negotiating the relationship between democracy and social equality. Cases involving a range of constitutional provisions might be understood to pit democracy and social equality against one another, though none quite as conspicuously as equal protection cases. At least since the appearance of the famous footnote four in United States v. Carolene Products Co., the intersection of democracy and social equality has been a controversial one in constitutional law, and its contours remain unsettled. Footnote four's vision of democratic equality has gone largely unrealized. And, apart from scattered assertions by various justices simply pronouncing democracy to be inconsistent with discrimination without explaining why, the Supreme Court has never elaborated a clear ...

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: The belief in occult forces is still deeply rooted in many African societies, regardless of education, religion, and social class of the people concerned. According to many Africans its incidence is even increasing due to social stress and strain caused (among others) by the process of modernization. Most often magic and witchcraft accusations work to the disadvantage of the poor and deprived, but under particular circumstances they become a means of the poor in the struggle against oppression by establishing "cults of counterviolence." Magic and witchcraft beliefs have increasingly been instrumentalized for political purposes. Apparently they can be used to support any kind of political system, whether despotic or democratic. The belief in occult forces has serious implications for development cooperation. Development projects, which constitute arenas of strategic groups in their struggle for power and control over project resources, are likely to add further social stress to an already endangered precarious balance of power, causing witchcraft accusations to flourish. In addition, witchcraft accusations may serve as indicators of hidden social conflicts which are difficult to detect by other methods. --- RÉSUMÉ : [ La magie et la sorcellerie : conséquences pour la démocratisation et l'aide à la réduction de la pauvreté en Afrique ] - La croyance en forces occultes est encore profondément enracinée dans des nombreuses sociétés africaines, indépendamment de l'éducation, de la religion et de la classe sociale des personnes concernées. Selon des nombreux Africains, son incidence augmente encore en raison du stress social et de la tension causée (entre autres) par le processus de modernisation. Le plus souvent, les accusations de magie et de sorcellerie font mal aux pauvres et aux personnes défavorisées, mais dans des circonstances particulières, elles deviennent un moyen pour les pauvres dans la lutte contre l'oppression en établissant des « cultes de contre-violence ». ...

Confusions between substantive and relational concepts of kinship as a social network have led to a number of problems that are clarified by a temporally ordered relational theory of network structure. The ordered-network approach gives rise to a novel means of graphing the social field of kinship relations, while allowing kinship to be locally defined in culturally relative terms. Its utility is exemplified in applications to kinships among US Presidents, Old Testament Canaanites, and native Australians of Groote Eylandt. The formal concepts treated in the mapping of kinship networks are: kinship axioms, parental graph structure, core, circuits of consanguineally and affinally linked kin, sides and divides, homeomorphic mappings, homomorphisms as potentially simplifying mappings of kinship, elementary structure, and order-structure. Representational theorems are proven about homeomorphisms, cores and circuits, and the ambiguity of elementary structures. The last set of theorems leads to clarifying and redefining some of the basic concepts of elementary, semi-complex and complex structures of kinship in terms of properties of generationally ordered networks. The conclusions of the formal argument are 'post-structural' in the narrow sense of demonstrating the need for specifying contingent historical processes in the structural analysis of kinship as a social field. The open-ended approach to change, one that is implied by the study of ordered structures that unfold in a temporal succession, connects to issues of population variability, selection, and evolutionary processes. The kinship structures that are mapped in this approach are not intended as any sort of complete representations of kinship 'systems', but merely as scaffoldings that help to bring into view kinship as a social field, providing a baseline for other mappings (which may be superimposed) of social processes such as communicative fields, exchange processes, transmission of learned behaviors, social rights and inheritance, political and religious succession, and the like.

Confusions between substantive and relational concepts of kinship as a social network have led to a number of problems that are clarified by a temporally ordered relational theory of network structure. The ordered-network approach gives rise to a novel means of graphing the social field of kinship relations, while allowing kinship to be locally defined in culturally relative terms. Its utility is exemplified in applications to kinships among US Presidents, Old Testament Canaanites, and native Australians of Groote Eylandt. The formal concepts treated in the mapping of kinship networks are: kinship axioms, parental graph structure, core, circuits of consanguineally and affinally linked kin, sides and divides, homeomorphic mappings, homomorphisms as potentially simplifying mappings of kinship, elementary structure, and order-structure. Representational theorems are proven about homeomorphisms, cores and circuits, and the ambiguity of elementary structures. The last set of theorems leads to clarifying and redefining some of the basic concepts of elementary, semi-complex and complex structures of kinship in terms of properties of generationally ordered networks. The conclusions of the formal argument are 'post-structural' in the narrow sense of demonstrating the need for specifying contingent historical processes in the structural analysis of kinship as a social field. The open-ended approach to change, one that is implied by the study of ordered structures that unfold in a temporal succession, connects to issues of population variability, selection, and evolutionary processes. The kinship structures that are mapped in this approach are not intended as any sort of complete representations of kinship 'systems', but merely as scaffoldings that help to bring into view kinship as a social field, providing a baseline for other mappings (which may be superimposed) of social processes such as communicative fields, exchange processes, transmission of learned behaviors, social rights and inheritance, political and religious succession, and the like.

A review essay on books edited by: Christopher G. A. Bryant & David Jary, Giddens' Theory of Structuration: A Critical Appreciation ([see IRPS No. 59/91c01451] London: Routledge, 1991); Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, & Sohan Modgil, Anthony Giddens. Consensus and Controversy ([see IRPS No. 60/91c01482] Brighton: Falmer Press, 1990); & David Held & John B. Thompson, Social Theory of Modern Societies: Anthony Giddens and His Critics ([see IRPS No. 58/91c01428] Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1989 [see listings in IRPS No. 74]). The theory of structuration developed in the writings of Anthony Giddens over the past two decades is intended to resolve a number of basic problems in social theory. This program was shaped by Giddens's prior diagnoses of the serious limitations of earlier social theories & its later pursuit has led to his construction of a comprehensive alternative perspective. The theory of structuration has also been recognized as a significant & original contribution to contemporary social theory, which is indicated by the publication of these anthologies of essays concerned with explicating & appraising various facets of Giddens's writings. The respective approaches to the theory of structuration adopted in each of these collections are identified. It is considered whether, given its constructive orientation, the conceptual elaboration of structuration theory in Giddens's writings represents a compelling & internally coherent case. The major features comprising the theory of structuration are outlined, & its innovative & distinctive proposals underlined. Some of the tensions intrinsic to Giddens's theoretical framework are examined, & it is argued that, despite the undoubted importance of his writings to contemporary social theory, these tensions inhibit Giddens's perspective from accomplishing a number of its original intentions & the larger claims that have become constitutive of his general program, eg, the aspiration to provide an overall ontology of social life. Modified AA

This biography traces the life of Manitoban Beatrice Alice Brigden (b.1888 - d.1977) from her early childhood to her mid-forties (1932), when she was a recognized political and social activist and an executive member of the newly formed political party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. Based on her extensive collection of personal journals, work-related correspondence and political writing, this thesis examines aspects of Brigden's personal life and experience, to identify important influences, understand her motivation and perspective. It identifies traits she held in common with many of her contemporary social reformers and suggests that much of Brigden's life fits the familiar pattern taken by many men and women - that of moving from religious reform within the church, to social reform, to political reform. By presenting personal details, the biography adds to our understanding of the ordinary lives of young girls and women in Manitoba in the early decades of the twentieth century. It also examines Brigden's rather unusual career as a "social purity worker" to explore both the practical reality of the job and its influence on her political development. Finally, it offers insight into the attitudes of similar women active in some of the social and political reform movements of the time; insight which requires an examination of formative years, not merely the reconstruction of a successful adult career. Brigden was active in, or at least witnessed many important historical developments in western Canada in the 1910's - 1930's; the Winnipeg and Brandon General Strikes, the Labor Church movement and the birth of the CCF. She also organized two grassroots groups focusing raising political awareness and the participation of women in the political process, the People's Forum Speakers Bureau and the Labor Women's Social and Economic Conference. Brigden's gender is as much a part of her story as her religious and ethnic background and their influence on her choices is discussed. Her biography also sheds light ...

International cooperation in health is a critical input for national development. Available resources in the health sector are scarce and are frequently badly used. For these reasons national and international efforts are required to reorient the delivery of health services. Many of the social and economic problems of the 1980s still subsist, and even though outstanding political changes are evidenced, the war situation unbalanced the global order. Poverty affects almost a quarter of the human population. It is necessary to increase the resources appointed to the social sector, particularly those devoted to health and nutrition programmes. Technical exchange between countries has increased considerably since its origins at the beginning of the century. The present international cooperation in health is based on the analysis of the countries health situation and health services within the global socio-economic and political framework; it concentrates efforts around social and epidemiological priorities; considers man as central axle for development and encourages social participation in health. International technical cooperation is also giving increasing attention to environmental problems, rising new pathologies, to the promotion of scientific research and to the development of adequate technology for each national situation. ; La cooperación técnica internacional en salud es un insumo crítico para el desarrollo nacional. Los recursos disponibles en el Sector Salud son insuficientes y no siempre han sido bien utilizados, por lo que se requieren esfuerzos nacionales e internacionales para reorientar la prestación de servicios de salud Muchos de los problemas sociales y económicos de la década de los ochenta siguen estando presentes, y si bien se han dado cambios notables en lo político, la situación de guerra ha desequilibrado el orden mundial. La pobreza sigue afectando a casi la cuarta parte de los seres humanos. Por lo tanto, es necesario aumentar los recursos destinados al sector social, particularmente ...