Suchergebnisse

This book sheds new light on how lobbying works in the European Union. Drawing on the first-hand professional experience of lobbyists, policymakers, and corporate and institutional stakeholders, combined with a sound academic foundation, it offers insights into successful lobbying strategies, such as how alliances are formed by interest groups in Brussels. The authors present key case studies, e.g. on the shelved EU-US trade deal Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), lobbying scandals, and the role of specific interest groups and EU Think-Tanks. Furthermore, they highlight efforts to improve transparency and ethical standards in EU decision-making, while also underscoring the benefits of lobbying in the context of decision-making. Understanding the tools and techniques of effective lobbying, as well as the dynamics and trends in EU lobbying, will allow professionals involved in the lobbying process, such as policymakers and corporate and institutional stakeholders, to improve their performance and achieve better results when pursuing their respective interests

The European Union (EU) is now a major participant in international environmental diplomacy, but does this involvement mean that it is an actor in its own right as opposed to a set of member states? Advanced here are four characteristics of "actorness" against which to evaluate the EU. Arguing that the EU's external policy in this area constitutes a special case, how competence & recognition determine EU participation in environmental diplomacy is analyzed. This approach serves as a guide to understanding how the EU will be represented in particular circumstances & how it will negotiate. It is concluded that, despite early difficulties, the EU has been a surprisingly effective international environmental actor, even aspiring to leadership. It remains, however, a unique, complex, & changeable entity, the peculiarities of which students of international environmental politics cannot ignore. 1 Figure, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

The EU has long been seen as confederation that has failed to assert itself effectively on the international stage. In this collection, a series of experts discuss how the EU has shed its reputation as a weak international actor in light of its policies on police cooperation and intelligence-sharing as part of the global effort to combat terrorism.

This article aims to explain attitudes towards the European Union in Central and East European countries. I propose a model that combines economic and political variables at two levels of explanation: the individual and the national. Using a cross-sectional time series data set compiled from Central and Eastern Eurobarometer surveys, I demonstrate that individual attitudes towards domestic economic and political reforms are good predictors of citizens' attitudes towards the European Union in Central and East European countries. Macro dimensions, such as economic and political performance, have an impact on attitudes towards the EU, particularly in candidate countries. Finally, a multiplicative model with interaction effects between the individual level and the macro level suggests that attitudes have a stronger impact if the domestic conditions are good. If the country is in bad shape, the attitudes are less relevant.

How can we explain the decline in support for the European Union (EU) and the idea of European integration after the onset of the great recession in the fall of 2007? Did the economic crisis and the austerity policies that the EU imposed—in tandem with the IMF—on several member countries help cause this drop? While there is some evidence for this direct effect of EU policies, we find that the most significant determinant of trust and support for the EU remains the level of trust in national governments. Based on cue theory and using concepts of diffuse and specific support, we find that support for the EU is derived from evaluations of national politics and policy, which Europeans know far better than the remote political system of the EU. This effect, however, is somewhat muted for those sophisticated Europeans that are more knowledgeable about the EU and are able to form opinions about it independently of the national contexts in which they live. We also find that the recent economic crisis has led to a discernible increase in the number of those who are disillusioned with politics both at the national and the supranational level. We analyze 133 national surveys from 27 EU countries by estimating a series of cross-classified multilevel logistic regression models.

This article examines the extent to which individual-, party- and system-level characteristics affect the attitude congruence of voters and candidates for elections to the European Parliament. It examines attitudes towards basic policy packages in the socioeconomic and libertarian/authoritarian issue domains and on immigration and European Union integration. The analysis is based on the 2009 European Election Study and European Election Candidate Survey, which covered 27 countries of the European Union (EU), 162 parties and over 11,500 respondents. It shows that the European Parliament suffers from inequalities in representation for different groups of citizens, representing much better the attitudes of educated, middle-class and politically knowledgeable voters. Furthermore, the analysis uncovers significant differences across political parties in how well they match up to voters. We provide tentative evidence suggesting that voters are better represented in open and ordered ballot systems.

The effects of electoral rules on party systems have been well known since Duverger first proposed his famous law. Often considered 'second order' in terms of issues and voting behaviour, many European Parliament elections are held under different electoral rules to national elections. This article examines the consequences of these differences and hypothesizes that where a more permissive electoral system is used for European Parliament elections, the size of the party system at European Parliament elections will grow towards what we would expect from the European Parliament electoral rules in isolation, and that this will lead to a subsequent growth in the size of the national party system. Using multi-level mixed-effect growth curve modelling support is found for both these hypotheses.

The inclusion of 11 new member states from the former Eastern bloc constitutes a significant challenge to the European Union in various respects. Many worry that whatever tenuous 'European identity' existed prior to the eastern enlargement, it has now become so diluted that no meaningful European political community can form. We provide an empirical account of the state of European identity after the eastern enlargement through a comparative analysis of affective and cognitive European identity in the old and the new Central and Eastern European member states. Our empirical analyses indicate that while the overall levels of cognitive European identification in the East are indeed lower than in the West, citizens from new member states are just as attached to Europe as citizens from old member states. Most importantly, not only is there no discernable difference in cognitive identification among young Europeans in East and West, but the youngest in the East seem to be even more strongly attached to Europe than their peers in the West.

"The Maastricht Treaty: Creating the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

"This book was written in times of great turmoil in the European Union. The financial crisis of 2008, which turned into a debt crisis destabilizing the Eurozone, the crisis of the EU migration and border policies in the face of increased inflows of migrants since 2014, recurring disputes around violations of democracy and the rule of law, and the Brexit referendum in 2017 have all profoundly tarnished the European Union. While its raison d'être, forged in the second half of 20th century, was rooted in peace, liberal democracy, and welfare capitalism in a bipolar world, the EU has been increasingly regarded as unable to secure these values in the world of the 21st century. The past decade, we argue, constitutes a critical juncture with particularly profound implications for how we understand the EU. Unlike many academics belonging to earlier generations of EU scholars, we do not take for granted a teleological vision of EU integration, whereby an 'ever closer Union' is the ineluctable goal of EU politics. Contemporary politics show us how contingent and fragile the very existence of the Union is. In the same vein, we do not necessarily consider the deepening of integration in given policy areas as a positive development per se"--