Suchergebnisse

This paper studies a principal-agent model of the relationship between office-holder & an electorate, where everyone is initially uninformed about the office-holder's ability. If office-holder effort & ability interact in the determination of performance in office, then an office-holder has an incentive to learn, i.e., raise effort so that performance becomes a more accurate signal of her ability. Elections reduce the learning effect, & the reduction in this effect may more than offset the positive 're-election concerns' effect of elections on effort, implying higher effort with appointment. When this occurs, appointment of officials may welfare-dominate elections. Tables, Figures, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

In April and June 2014, Afghanistan conducted its first democratic transition of power. This commentary provides a first-hand account and appraisal of the conduct of the elections, and begins by capturing first the atmospherics of polling day, and then reviews some lasting impressions of the same. After identifying some of the common themes and strands that characterised the polling—including, polling procedures, individual and/or team performances of election officials, logistical shortcomings, and the security measures put in place, etc.—the commentary concludes by advocating for the continued improvement (best practices) of the electoral enterprise.

In April and June 2014, Afghanistan conducted its first democratic transition of power. This commentary provides a first-hand account and appraisal of the conduct of the elections, and begins by capturing first the atmospherics of polling day, and then reviews some lasting impressions of the same. After identifying some of the common themes and strands that characterised the polling—including, polling procedures, individual and/or team performances of election officials, logistical shortcomings, and the security measures put in place, etc.—the commentary concludes by advocating for the continued improvement (best practices) of the electoral enterprise.

Iran began conducting presidential elections after the revolution of 1979. Following the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1989, Iran experienced a limited liberalization process, culminating in the election of President Khatami in 1997 and 2001 and the election of a reform-oriented parliament in 2000 (Sahliyeh, 2002). This phase ended when the conservatives recaptured the parliament in 2004 and 2008, and the election of Mahmoud Ahmedinejad as president in 2005 and 2009 (Gheissari and Nasr, 2005; Hen-Tov, 2006-07; Campbell, 2008). [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Indonesia as a democratic country that implemented the electoral system since 1955. Caused the world of politics in Indonesia to become more mature. Democratic practices developed from the reform era to the present. The general election which is a means of democracy is not far from political deviations, one of which is the black campaign. Special election judiciary exists with the aim of protecting the constitutional rights of citizens in elections, provide legal space for those who have been harmed in the implementation of elections, get legal certainty in the life of a democratic country, and as an effort to accelerate the settlement of disputes or cases during the general election process. Democracy in Indonesia can now be said to be comparatively well established but actually has a fairly shaky foundation, where the power of the people who should be united from below is taken from above (Top-Down democracy consolidation). For this reason, a special election court exists to examine, hear and decide on certain cases which can only be established in one of the judicial bodies under the Supreme Court regulated in the law. Special election court is important to maintain stability in politics. The idea of a Special Election Court is actually one of the most important components in the principles of election administration, namely "legal certainty".

General elections are a form of democracy organized by the government for the benefit of the people. With the general election, the people participate in providing their political aspirations which are intended to elect their representatives in the government. The general election is the right step taken by the government to implement the principle of people's sovereignty which has been stated in the provisional constitution. In order to perfect the provisional constitution and to elect representatives to sit in Parliament, the Indonesian government held the first general election in 1955. The type of research used in this research is classified as library research. namely research in which data is processed and extracted from various books, newspapers, magazines and several articles that are related to this research. Then the approach used is a historical approach (historical research). While the method used in the research is a descriptive qualitative research method. The results of the research show that Liberal Democracy in Indonesia was expected from 1950 to 1959, in practice the government system adheres to a parliamentary system. This democracy has a very strong characteristic regarding the multi-party system that is adopted, but there is no political party that has an absolute majority. In this system, the age of the cabinet in each government is very short, causing frequent cabinet changes. At this time the second major achievement after the proclamation was successfully obtained was the achievement of the General Election in 1955 whose participants came from various parties that existed at that time in Indonesia. This election was successfully carried out in two stages, namely the first stage on September 29, 1955 holding the election for the DPR and on December 15, 1955 holding the election for Members of the Constituent Assembly. The top four winners of the 1955 election included: PNI, Masyumi, NU and PKI.Pemilihan umum merupakan salah satu bentuk demokrasi yang diselenggarakan oleh pemerintah untuk ...

This article highlights the incompatibility of the electoral process in Turkestan with legal documents, in particular the conduct of elections, in which the will of the local population is taken into account.

For a considerable part of the political opposition in Russia, elections have been something to be watched from the sidelines. While opposition candidates are formally blocked for legal-administrative reasons, they have repeatedly claimed that registration refusals are politically motivated and that election committees apply the law differently depending on the candidates' political affiliation. By analyzing the perceptions of double standards as well as actual enforcement practice and structural incentives, this article identifies the core mechanics of this quasi-legal mechanism of political pre-election filtering in Russian elections. [Copyright The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]