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While governance and lobbying practices by public universities have both been considered as factors in the ways that American states fund their public higher education systems, there has as yet been no research on how boards of governance influence the lobbying behaviors among public universities under their purview. This study uses comparative case study methodology to frame the policy-shaping behaviors of the higher education systems of two American states, one with a consolidated governance board and one without any such agency. Through interviews with 2 in-house lobbyists in each state, this study shows that a board of governance limits the autonomy of institutions and encourages cooperative lobbying strategies. In the state without a governance body, institutions are less likely to collaborate, especially because the lack of a central governance board has allowed for institutions to become highly individualized in terms of campus policies. Population ecology theory provides a useful model for conceptualizing these relationships: the board provides partitions that maintain stable environmental niches for public universities. Without such a board, public universities are free to adapt to new situations, which causes competition as institutions attempt move into occupied niches. Asiasanat:lobbying, governance, competition, higher education, United States

Cover -- Title Page -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Contributors -- PART I: INTRODUCTION -- 1. Free Movement of Persons in the Nordic States -- PART II: THE INTERPLAY OF EU LAW, EEA LAW AND NORDIC COOPERATION: VARIOUS PERSPECTIVES -- 2. The Vision and Legal Reality of Regional Integration in the Nordic States -- 3. Free Movement of Persons in the Nordic States through EU Law and EEA Law -- 4. Fundamental Rights of the Individual in EEA Law: The Tension between the ECHR Standards and the EU Charter -- 5. Closure of Borders in the Three Nordic EU Member States During the Covid-19 Pandemic -- PART III: THE INDIVIDUAL'S ACCESS TO FREE MOVEMENT RIGHTS IN THE NORDIC REGION -- 6. Free Movement Rights in Denmark -- 7. Free Movement Rights in Sweden -- 8. Free Movement Rights in Finland -- 9. Free Movement Rights in Norway -- 10. Free Movement Rights in Iceland -- 11. Free Movement of Persons and the Autonomous Territories in the Danish Kingdom: Greenland and the Faroe Islands -- PART IV: CONCLUSION -- 12. Flickering Contours of a Nordic Citizenship Encircling a Legal Core of EU/EEA Law -- Index -- Copyright Page.

This is a book about people. 'Fragile States' in an Unequal World: The Role of the g7+ in International Diplomacy and Development Cooperation introduces the members of the g7+, a group formed by 20 conflict-affected states: why they came to believe in politics and policy; how they feel about their work, their family and their communities; and what they want to leave behind for the next generations. It is the story of their personal and collective values, their mistakes, and the challenges they faced, and it will resonate with anyone who has tried to organize and work with a group of very different people.

This book is also a contribution for those seeking to influence international policy, especially from a disadvantageous position. It explores how to find your voice, use your survival skills, work with passion, decide how much to concede and act responsibly. Together, these lessons illuminate the paths that individual members have walked as they found their own voices, as well as how the g7+ fights to speak collectively. The book ends with a glimpse of the way forward, as Isabel Rocha de Siqueira encourages younger generations to engage with politics and policy generously, with hope for the future.

Combining literature and hard facts – along with other elements such as illustrations, cartoon strips and photographs to tell the previously untold stories of public servants in poor, conflict-affected countries, the book offers an original (and very human) micro and macro perspective on the politics of development. It will be of interest to professionals in major development organisations, students and professors in development courses, policymakers, public servants, civil society, activists working for major international NGOs, and journalists who report on the development industry, as well as those with a general interest in international development cooperation, international diplomacy and other related fields.

In spring 1945, having barely come back from Yalta the Western leaders started planning containment and even rollback of the Soviet Union; the first shoots of the rollback strategy appeared at that time. Its authors did not quite believe that this could be done, no wonder the British Armed Forces' Joint Planning Staff codenamed its report Operation Unthinkable. It was drafted on Winston Churchill's personal order; he wanted to know whether Russia could be forced back from Germany and Eastern Europe. He even thought of a date for such an assault--Jul 1, 1945. Yalta is a paradox: The military coalition of the Big Three did fall apart fairly soon, yet the Yalta agreements remained the foundation of the postwar world order for a long time and are still very much alive. Here, Oganesyan discusses the UK, the US and the Soviet Union's global cooperation. Adapted from the source document.

State fragility, which describes how different components of a state do (or do not) function, is a central concept for understanding how development activities and policies in complex political, humanitarian and conflict-affected contexts will (or will not) work in practice. Using fragility as a lens, we use feminist development policy and forced displacement as examples to demonstrate how different empirical conceptualisations of fragility can be used to uncover potential challenges and identify opportunities for more comprehensive policy and programming. These examples are only two ways one can apply the concepts of fragility of the OECD and the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). Indeed, these and other empirical concepts of state fragility have many applications and can be used to measure and understand state–society, conflict and humanitarian dynamics in myriad ways. The longest-running among these kinds of models is the Fund for Peace's Fragile States Index (Fund for Peace, 2023). Other models focus on state fragility as a function of different aspects of "stateness". This includes IDOS's Constellations of State Fragility typology, which clusters types of fragility based on strengths/weaknesses in key dimensions of statehood (Grävingholt et al., 2019). Some organisations have moved beyond an exclusive focus on the functioning of the state, with the OECD currently defining fragility contexts as the combination of risks and insufficient coping capacities of multiple levels of governance systems and/or communities to manage, absorb or mitigate those risks (OECD, 2016). The IDOS and OECD concepts do not rank countries, and the methods used in both models allow them to be applied to different levels of analysis. Essentially, these empirical conceptualisations of state fragility can serve as useful heuristics for the policy-makers responsible for setting policy agendas in fragile contexts. The key challenge for policy-makers that we address in this policy brief is the step from empirically categorising states' fragility, to using that empirical data to inform often fast-moving, idiosyncratic policy-making and implementation in fragile contexts. As noted previously, these concepts are heuristics; country-specific policy planning and implementation require more fine-grained monitoring of country contexts. To achieve this, we recommend: Donors should be aware that the suitability of a particular tool/ fragility lens depends on the specific problem at hand, and they should choose the tool following a rigorous problem analysis. Use Germany's leadership on feminist foreign and development policy to capture and highlight the full range of links between gender and fragility, and to continue strengthening feminist foreign and development policy in fragile contexts. In many cases, state fragility is a neighbourhood challenge that requires regional coordination in order to be managed. In the case of migration and displacement, donors can support the freedom of movement protocols in regional agreements such as ECOWAS and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). Policy-makers and donor organisations should deepen investment in new avenues for collecting and standardising the data that is used to generate different empirical concepts of state fragility. This includes funding on-the-ground monitoring activities such as IGAD's Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism in East Africa. Recognise that otherwise functional states can indeed have sub-national pockets of severe fragility, and that these variations in sub-national fragility can over time erode the capacity, legitimacy and authority of the state if left unchecked.

"January 1993." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Marine Pollution Contingency Planning: State Practice in Asia-Pacific States" -- "Copyright" -- "Contents" -- "Preface" -- "1 UNCLOS Marine Pollution Contingency Planning: Can States Move from Disaster Relief to Disaster Risk Reduction?" -- "2 Marine Contingency Planning in Australia" -- "3 An Overview of Canada's "On-the-Water" Oil Spill Preparedness and Response Regime" -- "4 China's Practice in Marine Environmental Contingency Planning" -- "5 Japan's Legal Regime for Preventing and Controlling Accidental Discharges of Oil and Hazardous and Noxious Substances from Ships and Offshore Facilities" -- "6 Marine Environmental Contingency Planning in Korea" -- "7 Contingency Planning for Marine Pollution in Malaysia" -- "8 The Evolution of Mexico's Marine National Contingency Plan" -- "9 Marine Contingency Planning in the Republic of the Philippines" -- "10 Marine Environmental Contingency Planning in Singapore" -- "11 The United States National Contingency Plan: Learning from Gaps in the System" -- "12 Conclusion: Improving National and Regional Marine Pollution Contingency Planning

This fascinating volume examines the recent increase in subnational environmental policy agreements between different countries, with a particular focus on Germany and the US. Holley Ralston explores why international environmental partnerships are forming at the state level and the factors that both aid and inhibit their long-term success