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International audience ; Recently, some authors have tried to link international human rights to equality and equal status in particular, and hence to fill a gap that was left open by human rights theorists and equality specialists alike. Neglect for that connection is attributable both to the lack of interest for international law and politics beyond domestic boundaries that has long plagued theories of egalitarianism, but also to the resilience of foundationalist and especially monist approaches to the justification of human rights. Even though the egalitarian dimension of international human rights has now been uncovered, more work is needed on what that normative ideal means in the human rights context and from the perspective of human rights theory, and in particular on how it may be combined with a universal justification of human rights. My argument in the chapter is three-pronged. A first section of the chapter presents a conception of equal moral status and uncovers its intimate relationship to political equality. There, I delineate the notion of equal moral status from that of dignity and argue that while the latter plays a meaningful role qua requirement of respectful treatment, it should not be confused with the former and only plays a limited role in the human rights context. In the second section, I argue that human rights are grounded in interests and that political equality works as threshold in the recognition of the importance of cettain interests qua human rights. In turn, the egalitarian dimension of human rights explains how human rights are both moral and legal rights, on the one hand, and both domestic and international legal rights, on the other. The third section of the argument is dedicated to exploring the implications of the egalitarian dimension of human rights for some vexed issues in international human rights law, such as the relationship between human rights, non-discrimination rights and the equality principle in international law. The tensions between ideal and non-ideal ...

What explains far-right mobilisation in the protest arena? After decades of growing electoral support and policy influence, the far right is experiencing an increase in grassroots mobilisation. Scholars of social movements and political parties have devoted little attention to the determinants of far-right protest mobilisation in Europe. In this article, we bridge previous research on the far right and social movements to advance hypotheses on the drivers of far-right protest mobilisation based on grievances, opportunities and resource mobilisation models. We use an original dataset combining novel data on 4,845 far-right protest events in 11 East and West European countries (2008–2018), with existing measures accounting for the (political, economic and cultural) context of mobilisation. We find that classical approaches to collective action can be fruitfully applied to the study of the far right. Cultural grievances, notably concerns about immigration, as well as the availability of institutional access points in contexts characterised by divided government increase far-right protest mobilisation. But far-right protest mobilisation also rests on the organisational resources available to nativist collective actors, that is, the network in which they are embedded, their visibility in the media and elected officials. These findings have important implications to understand far-right success in advanced democracies. They show that far-right mobilisation in the protest arena not only rests on favourable circumstances, but also on whether far-right actors can profit from them. More broadly, the study links party politics and social movement research to grasp the far right's modes of political contestation, locating research on this phenomenon at the intersection of political sociology and comparative politics. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Commenting on the political controversy that has sprung up around the Catalan parliament's decision to seek approval from the Cortes on an amended and strengthened version of its autonomy Statute, in which Catalonia declares itself a nation, Julin Casanova reflects on historic reactions
to Catalan aspirations for autonomy and deplores the resurgence of anti-catalanism.

John Locke's theory of toleration is generally seen as advocating the privatization of religion. This interpretation has become conventional wisdom: secularization is widely understood as entailing the privatization of religion, and the separation of religion from power. This book turns that conventional wisdom on its head and argues that Locke secularizes religion, that is, makes it worldly, public, and political. In the name of diverse citizenship, Locke reconstructs religion as persuasion, speech, and fashion. He insists on a consensus that human rights are sacred insofar as humans are

Duncan reviews 'Unraveling the Right: The New Conservatism in American Thought and Politics' edited by Amy E. Ansell.

The ILO Convention is important and it deserves our political support. Yet, it remains incumbent on all of us who support the Convention to remain incessantly vigilant about what is being claimed and why, to interrogate and make more complex the political logics it both invokes and extends. Those logics, arguably, are exposed and complicated by at least three ambivalent moments in the invocation and instantiation of the law and rights in domestic service. Adapted from the source document.

All human beings have the right to live as human beings. Human rights are not conferred or given. They already exist in society. In spite of these international and national declaration and resolutions, human rights are violated in different countries all over the world. Human right of dalits and women in Bihar in general are normally violated by high castes and powerful communities to practice and exhibit patriarchy and Castism. But human rights of than dalits in general. There is a growing need to capture transgression of human rights of dalits , so that talent and potential of Dalits can be used for development of nation. The concept of human rights aims at protection of rights like right to life, liberty and property. These rights are attributed to human beings irrespective of class, caste, gender, colour and religion. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was unanimously adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 10th 1948. The preamble of Indian constitution adequately empowers the central and state government to eliminate human rights violation in the country. Also In Bihar Dalits are facing the problems of identity crisis, deprivation, discrimination and atrocities. These marginalised groups are also identified and recognised as dalits, SC (scheduled castes), ST (scheduled Tribes), OBC (other backward castes), religious and linguistic minorities. Dalits are in worst position than dalits in general, In terms of sex ratio, wages, employment, occupation, assets, education, health, social mobility and political participation. Hence, it is important to discuss the status of dalits and various problems they face even after 67 years of independence. This article makes an attempt to discuss basic facts, issues and concerns related to dalit to suggest some alternatives to combat violation of their rights for social justice and equality. Explanation of relevant terms such as 'Dalit ; 'Dalitism; is given below to broaden understanding about the issue. Further, the vulnerable situation of dalits Human right situation in Bihar is also discussed in detail:-

A discussion of the recent increase in extreme right-wing groups in Turkey highlights discourses printed in the daily newspaper, Yenicag, as a representation of the newly emerging ideology of right-wing extremism. Although the paper's writers are members of different political camps, they share hatred towards the European Union (EU) & the ruling Justice & Development Party (JDP) which they claim is betraying Turkey by making unacceptable concessions to the EU for the sake of membership. The focus is on articles written by such important Yenicag columnists as Umit Ozdag, Arslan Bulut, Arslan Tekin, & Israfil K. Kumbasar. Select articles in Zaman, Turkey's most influential conservative newspaper, are also analyzed to shed light on the ideas of the ruling JDP. Attention is given to debates about the globalization process in general & the EU accession project in particular, especially in relation to differences between isolationist & territorial definitions of Turkishness; the nature of "true nationalism," & interpretations of Islam as "a universal religion that could be appropriated as a power source in a globalizing world.". J. Lindroth