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AbstractMass gatherings are routinely viewed as posing risks to physical health. However, social psychological research shows mass gathering participation can also bring benefits to psychological well‐being. We describe how both sets of outcomes can be understood as arising from the distinctive forms of behavior that may be found when people—even strangers—come to define themselves and each other in terms of a shared social identity. We show that many of the risks and benefits of participation are products of group processes; that these different outcomes can have their roots in the same core processes; and that knowledge of these process provides a basis for health promotion interventions to mitigate the risks and maximize the benefits of participation. Throughout, we offer practical guidance as to how policy makers and practitioners should tailor such interventions.

The article aims to clarify the basic laws of logic and show their application in the Gospel. The content of selected fragments of the Gospel proves that it contains fundamental laws of rational thinking in the form of: the law of identity, the law of non-contradiction, the law of the excluded middle, the law of sufficient reason, the law of finality. The statements and teachings of Jesus Christ are not without logical principles, which man already applies in everyday thinking. The source of this kind of laws is real existence. The so-called the first principles that govern the existence of being, in the order of knowledge, become the laws of thinking. For the message of revelation to be understood and accepted by the person to whom it is addressed, the laws of thought must exist in the Gospel.

This article is devoted to the complex research of religious life of German Protestants (Lutherans and separatists) in Transcaucasia in 1820s - 1860s. The main attention is paid to revealing general and specific elements in the organization of religious management in the process of settling German colonists. The work analyzes the researchers' views on religious reasons and factors of resettlement of German peasants in Transcaucasia, summarizes new material on the invitation, expulsion and subsequent prohibition of the call of the Basel missionaries. Archival sources are introduced into scientific circulation, allowing to analyze the nature of relations of different Protestant movements and groups with each other, with the government and local authorities. As a result, the authors substantiate the idea that confessional affiliation was one of the determining factors in the formation of national identity of Transcaucasian Germans.

AbstractIn the early 21st century, teachers' union mobilization was widespread throughout the United States. Decrying low salaries, restrictions on labor rights, and more, teachers' unions engaged in large‐scale tactics such as massive strikes, public protests, and successful ballot campaigns. In this article, I demonstrate that by sharing characteristics of both social movement organizations and interest groups, teachers' unions are well suited to respond to political threats. Teachers' unions are large, longstanding organizations with the resources necessary to use a wide variety of tactics. Teachers' relationships with parents and the local community provide strong potential for alliances, and teachers can leverage their professional identity and expertise to help establish legitimacy in educational policy conversations. Ultimately, however, the future of teachers' unions depends upon sustained worker and ally activism beyond the current wave of mobilization.

For the teaching of history in schools to be effective, it must be useful for something – either in an intellectual sense (for a better understanding of the world) or in a practical sense (for various professions related to the humanities). The only purpose of teaching an "encyclopedia of facts" is that it is good to have a minimum of knowledge in every field. Teaching history to mark group identity is acceptable, as is any education in the field of national culture, provided it is not exclusive with regard to the heritage and achievements of others. As a history teacher, the author does not accept the teaching of history for the purpose of inculcating a sense of national pride. He would like the study of history to increase the intellectual abilities of students, and in effect, their wisdom.

Hate speech can have very serious consequences for the health of its victims and may also be associated with stigmatization and with forcing members of a group to hide their identity. Groups that often encounter hate speech in Poland are Ukrainians and foreign students at Polish universities. The results of two studies conducted among economic immigrants from Ukraine and foreign students at the University of Warsaw indicate a relationship between exposure to hate speech and the occurrence of post-traumatic stress disorder, more severe symptoms of depression, lower self-esteem, and negative affect. Among immigrants from Ukraine, more frequent contact with hate speech was also associated with avoiding the use of their native language in the presence of Poles and other Ukrainians. The research results clearly show the negative consequences of hate speech.

Abstract
This study focuses on the factors contributing to language maintenance and shift in the bilingual community of San Marcos La Laguna, Guatemala, where both Spanish and Kaqchikel are spoken. For many decades, San Marcos was relatively isolated from other nearby communities and many speakers were monolingual in Kaqchikel. However, recent changes in the community, particularly a rise in tourism and access to education, have contributed to an increased need for Spanish. The present study draws from qualitative data collected from sociolinguistic interviews and participant observation to determine both the usage of Kaqchikel and Spanish in the community and the attitudes that bilingual speakers have toward both languages. Results demonstrate that Kaqchikel continues to be a marker of identity and cultural pride, but the economic opportunities Spanish provides result in more people using Spanish at work and home.

Los Angeles Chinatown is one of the oldest North American urban Chinatowns and experiencing changes that are redefining the neighborhood. Yet, not all community leaders label these changes as gentrification that directly displaces the community. This article examines how community leaders representing business, residential, and cultural interests engage in the politics of placemaking through their narratives of a new development, Blossom Plaza. Community leaders do not always view gentrification as a primary direct displacement, and instead emphasize how a secondary and symbolic displacement is happening historically, physically, economically, and politically in Chinatown. However, they also vary in whether they see these changes as ultimately reshaping the neighborhood to maintain its unique identity, which is linked to how they envision Chinatown as an ethnic space. The findings highlight the importance of considering symbolic displacement in gentrification studies about historic ethnic enclaves.

ABSTRACTWhat causes civilian victimization in conventional civil wars and in conventional wars that experience insurgencies? The authors argue that a key driver of civilian victimization is the vulnerability of the incumbent forces, specifically when the conflict's front line is shifting. Vulnerability is a function of informational and logistical challenges: when the front line is moving, incumbents face increased informational uncertainty and unstable supply chains that augment their vulnerability. Thus, incumbents will increase the use of civilian victimization in response to a scarcity of high-quality information on the location and identity of insurgents, to limit possible information leaks, and to contain supply disruption and logistics support to adversaries. The authors support their argument using matched difference-in-differences analyses of original subnational data on Nazi-Fascist violence in World War II Italy (1943–1945) and qualitative evidence.

Using the format of dialogue, this paper is a collaborative exploration of navigating academia in self-harm scarred bodies. Prompted by the proposal of social media regulators to blur and ban self-harm scars, thus communicating such bodies as "dangerous," our dialogue considers personal notions of activism, researcher identity, emotional labor, future potential, and the importance of finding and building communities for embodied solidarity. Structured as a single flowing discussion, the dialogue itself is (re)constituted from conversation, follow-up emails, and reviewer feedback. Explorations rely predominantly on personal experience and are supported in places by literature which has informed and shaped our ideas. In itself, this paper will be an "everyday act of defiance" in being seen, as well as advocating for spaces such as ECQI where meaningful connections can be instigated and maintained, and dialogues continued.

Research on the language attitudes and ideologies of teachers engaged in Heritage Language Instruction (HLI) in Germany is scarce even though HLI has been implemented in German schools since the early 1970s. Our goal is to fill in a gap in this field of HL pedagogy and focus on teachers' perspectives related to language policies. We examine the ways that HL teachers' work is shaped by specific ideological discourses that lead to bias against using HLs in school and prejudices against their speakers. We focus only on Turkish as a HL spoken in Germany, but we present findings from our case study that could theoretically apply to other HLs in Germany. We find that both explicit and more covert discrimination affect teachers' actions and professional identity as HL teachers and persistently disrupt HLI and communication of teachers and students.

Abstract
We present a non-technical assessment of the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on individual level conflict behavior in the household, workplace, and societal interactions in the post-COVID era. We predict that there will be an increase in the intra-household conflict including domestic violence; and the divorce rate will rise. Within workplaces, the pandemic will result both in a higher level of sabotage among the employees, and employee retaliation towards the employer. The pandemic may also affect the diversity and inclusiveness within an organization adversely. In societal interactions, an increase in the identity related conflicts – especially related to the immigration status – can be observed. It is also likely that there will be an increase in the attack and defense or victimization activities in the society. We conclude by proposing various measures for conflict resolution, and a few possible areas of further investigations.

This paper looks at how Filipino "glocalizes" international brands in TV commercials and how it links to customers' culture and norms in the Philippine context. Four TV commercials from the food industry were purposively identified as target samples. These samples were then compared to other TV commercials in two different contexts, namely, Thailand and the USA to see the process of glocalization and interculturality. Improvised tools from Kress and Van Leeuwen's inter-semiosis (2006) and O'Halloran's SF-MDA (2011) framework were used in data analysis. Findings on multimodal-discourse analysis suggested that TV commercials constructed the "glocal" identity in various representations such as visual, sociolinguistic, characterization, and sociocultural connection. It is argued that these combinations of findings provide some support for the conceptual knowledge between glocalization and interculturality within the contemporary customer culture.

AbstractHow do voters come to support new political parties? This article contends that new types of locally organized, participant‐based societal organizations—such as neighborhood associations, informal sector unions, and indigenous movements—can play a crucial mediating role in securing electoral support for new parties. Drawing on social identity and self‐categorization theory, I argue that endorsements of new parties by such organizations sway the vote preferences of organization members and people in their larger social networks. A discrete choice experiment, presenting voters in Bolivia with campaign posters, demonstrates that organizational endorsements are highly effective in mobilizing voters, especially when voters face a new party. Endorsements can even counteract policy and ethnic differences between candidates and voters. The findings suggest an important, understudied route to partisan support in new democracies and have important implications for research on political accountability.

Historic monuments were one of the vehicles of modern nation building in the nineteenth century. Their role could turn out to be even more exposed in an ethnically mixed territory of central and central-eastern Europe. For the turn of the twentieth-century Polish inhabitants of the capital of the Austrian crown land of Galicia, urban secular historic architecture proved to be such a key tool. The Old Town of Lviv, in itself witness of a centuries-old multi-ethnic and multi-cultural tradition, became the basis for a modern nation-building project, in which local and regional Polish character administrative bodies and social institutions were involved. The project relied on the strengthening of national identity among Lviv's inhabitants by means of securing the 'Polish character' of the Old Town, which amounted to reinventing it anew.