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Transnational Islam is increasingly presented in the Russian political rhetoric as a security threat. Therefore, Russian politicians and authorities attempt to support indigenous or national forms of Islam. Similar policies are implemented in several western European countries. Yet they tend to disregard the heterogeneity of the Muslim community, they create exclusions and they are often conceived as imposing outside evaluations and interpretations on Islam. This contribution analyses initiatives intended to develop a national Islam in post-Soviet Russia. While the aims, methods and problems in different countries are often quite similar, the values and norms underlying these initiatives vary and reflect the societies from which they emerge. This contribution argues that since the 1990s, the changes in the political line of the Kremlin have impacted the project for a 'national' Islam by placing less emphasis on liberal values and more emphasis on adherence to loyalism and political conservatism. ; Peer reviewed

En el año 2009 comencé a trabajar junto con comunidades mapuche-tehuelche de la costa y valle de la provincia de Chubut. Durante aquellos años, muchas de las luchas y demandas giraron en torno a los sentidos locales de pertenencia y a la particularidad política que adquiere la doble adscripción como mapuche-tehuelche en esta región. La conformación de comunidades que se auto-adscriben pertenecientes a estos dos pueblos es una de las características que definió el movimiento indígena en la provincia, y particularmente en la costa y valle. El presente trabajo, por lo tanto, se centra en historizar aquel proceso de fortalecimiento y visibilidad de sus identidades para comprender las formas en que las personas mapuche-tehuelche fueron cambiando las condiciones que determinaban sus modos de aparecer en los espacios públicos y las formas en que fueron tomando conciencia de la responsabilidad política de ser los agentes de su propia historia. ; In 2009 I started working in conjunction with the Mapuche-Tehuelche communities of the coast and valley of the province of Chubut. During those years, many of the struggles and demands revolved around the local senses of belonging and the political particularity acquired by the dual adscription as Mapuche-Tehuelche in this region. The formation of communities that self-describe belonging to these two peoples is one of the characteristics that defined the indigenous movement in the province, and particularly in the coast and the valley. The present work, therefore, focuses on historicizing that process of strengthening and visibility of their identities to understand the ways in which the Mapuche-Tehuelche people modified the conditions that determine their ways of appearing in public spaces and began to be aware of political responsibility to be the agents of their own history. ; Em 2009 comecei a trabalhar em conjunto com as comunidades Mapuche-Tehuelche da costa e do vale da província de Chubut. Durante esses anos, muitas das lutas e demandas giraram em torno dos sentidos locais de pertença e a particularidade política adquirida pela dupla designação de Mapuche-Tehuelche nessa região. A conformação de comunidades pertencentes a esses dois povos é uma das características que definiram o movimento indígena na província, e particularmente na costa e no vale. O presente trabalho, portanto, centra-se em historicizar esse processo de fortalecimento e visibilidade de suas identidades, a fim de compreender as maneiras pelas quais o povo Mapuche-Tehuelche mudou as condições que determinaram suas formas de aparecer nos espaços públicos e as formas pelas eles tomou consciência da responsabilidade política de ser agentes de sua própria história

The analysis herein, while mainly descriptive, presents the main foundations of the Constitutional Tribunal's jurisprudence in matters of hierarchical control of the constitutionality of laws concerning the EU. It distinguishes some principles, concepts and constitutional theories which, according to the Constitutional Tribunal, set the limits of European integration. The main thesis of the paper is that, in this context, the basic and decisive rule is the supremacy of the Constitution, which does not have exceptions or limitations. A hypothesis was also formulated that the Solange II maxim does not reflect the actual state of European constitutionalism, in which the level of protection of fundamental rights is significantly increased while possible collisions between the level of protection of fundamental rights in the EU and the Member States should be solved by means of the clauses provided in Articles 51–54 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.

The theme of this thesis is the symbolic battles between towns people and 'peasants' in the context of the re-elaboration of rurality. The general aim is to analyze the reinterpretation process of countryside practices by the 'peasants' participation in the tourism development in the city of Areia - state of Paraíba. The qualitative research has an eminently ethnographic character, focusing on the observation of social relations in the Chã de Jardim Community and the small landowners reconversion strategies. The data were produced and collected through observation and structured and semi-structured interviews with craftsmen, workers of the Restaurante Rural Vó Maria, members of Adesco, tourism entrepreneurs in Areia, and representatives of intermediary bodies - a role played by entities such as Senar, Sebrae,PBTur, Cooperar, Atura, among others involved in modelling the tourism in rural areas. In addition, an exploratory survey was carried out among the customers of the restaurant through questionnaires and by monitoring excursions, which allowed to draw a profile and identify the demands of the consumers. The analysis links "native" (produced by the people studied) and analytical categories, keeping in perspective the symbolic exchanges between the smalllandowners and the other agents. The solidarities and games of interest which mark the relations between them, at the micro and macro social levels, are discussed by the theory of the gift of Marcel Mauss, the sociology of domination of Pierre Bourdieu, and the notion of hierarchical reciprocity of Marcos Lanna. This study defends the thesis that the participation of the small landowners in the production of the tourist offer is made possible by means of alliances at the internal and external level, established on the basis of the exchange of gifts,following the principle of hierarchical reciprocity. On the one hand, the exchanges of giftswith other agents tend to promote social recognition and raise the self-esteem of the smalllandowners; and, on the other hand, it generates internal differentiation and new hierarchies,"naturalizing" the subordination and symbolic domination of the employees towards their peasant bosses. In this sense, the symbolic battles are understood as daily struggles for recognition and dignity, aiming to overcome the process of inferiorization and invisibility towhich 'peasants' and other groups, poorly placed in the social space, are submitted in their relationship with the dominant classes. For a long time "kept invisible", these struggles could only emerge through the implementation of public policies to confront rural poverty,stimulating rural education and rural development actions, which, in addition to improving the living conditions of the rural population, allowed the emergence and the strengthening of local leaderships. Far from being a one-directional movement that results in a real restructuring of positions in the social space, the observed solidarities and battles between the agents reveal themselves as a complex and ambiguous process, full of contradictions in which different levels of reciprocity are established, whether within the community microsystem orin the exchanges between the 'peasants' and the town entrepreneurs, the intermediary bodies or the consumers, forming what could be considered an extended circuit of circulation of giftsin the tourism market in Brejo Paraibano. ; Cette thèse s'intéresse au thème des luttes symboliques entre les citadins et les « sitiantes » (« petits propriétaires terrien »), dans un contexte de réélaboration de la ruralité. L'objectif général est d'analyser le processus de réinterprétation des pratiques paysannes à partir de la participation des « sitiantes » au développement du tourisme dans la municipalité d'Areia–État de Paraíba, dans le Nord este du Brésil. La recherche qualitative a un caractère éminemment ethnographique, favorisant l'observation des relations sociales dans la Communauté « Chã de Jardim » et les stratégies de reconversion des « sitiantes ». Les données ont été produites et collectées au travers de l'observation directe et d'entretiens semi directifs et directifs avec les artisanes, les travailleurs du Restaurant Rural Vó Maria, les membres de l'Adesco, les entrepreneurs du tourisme à Areia et les représentants des instances intermédiaires –rôle joué par des entités telles que le Senar, le Sebrae, le PBTur, la Cooperar, l'Atura, parmi d'autres impliquées dans la structuration du tourisme dans les zones rurales. En outre, une enquête exploratoire a été réalisée auprès des clients du restaurant Vó Maria, au travers de questionnaires et de l'accompagnement d'excursions, ce qui a permis de dresser un profil et d'identifier les demandes du public consommateur. L'analyse met en relation des catégories « indigènes » (produites par les propres personnes étudiées) et analytiques, en gardant en perspective les échanges symboliques entre les « sitiantes » et les autres agents. Les solidarités et les jeux d'intérêts qui marquent les relations entre eux sont traités à partir de la théorie du don de Marcel Mauss, de la sociologie de la domination de Pierre Bourdieu et de la notion de réciprocité hiérarchique de Marcos Lanna. L'hypothèse centrale est que la participation des « sitiantes » à la production de l'offre touristique est rendue possible par des alliances internes et externes, établies sur la base de l'échange de dons, suivant le principe de la réciprocité hiérarchique. D'une part, les échanges de dons avec d'autres agents tendent à promouvoir la reconnaissance sociale et à renforcer l'estime de soi ; et, d'autre part, ils engendrent une différenciation interne et de nouvelles hiérarchies, naturalisant la subordination et la domination symbolique des employés vis-à-vis des nouveaux « patrons ». Ainsi, les luttes symboliques sont conçues comme des luttes quotidiennes pour la reconnaissance et la dignité, visant à surmonter les processus d'infériorisation et d'invisibilité auxquels sont soumis les « sitiantes », et d'autres groupes mal situés dans l'espace social,dans leurs relations avec les dominants. Longtemps « invisibilisées», ces luttes n'ont pu émerger qu'au travers de la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques visant à lutter contre la pauvreté rurale, à promouvoir l'éducation dans les milieux ruraux et les actions de développement rural qui, en outre d'améliorer les conditions de vie de la population rurale, a permis l'émergence et le renforcement du leadership local. Loin d'être un mouvement à sens unique, qui se traduit par une véritable restructuration des positions dans l'espace social, les solidarités et les luttes observées entre les agents se révèlent être un processus complexe et ambigu, rempli de contradictions, au sein duquel différents niveaux de réciprocité sont établis,que ce soit au sein du microsystème communautaire ou dans les échanges entre les« sitiantes » et les entrepreneurs de la municipalité, les organismes intermédiaires ou les consommateurs, formant ce que l'on pourrait considérer comme un réseau étendu de circulation des dons dans le marché touristique de Brejo Paraibano. ; O tema da presente tese são as lutas simbólicas entre citadinos e sitiantes, no contexto dere elaboração da ruralidade. O objetivo geral é analisar o processo de ressignificação daspráticas camponesas a partir da participação dos sitiantes no desenvolvimento do turismo nomunicípio de Areia, na Paraíba. A pesquisa qualitativa tem caráter eminentemente etnográfico, privilegiando a observação das relações sociais na Comunidade Chã de Jardim eas estratégias de reconversão dos sitiantes. Os dados foram produzidos e coletados por meioda observação e de entrevistas semidirigidas ou dirigidas, realizadas com as artesãs, ostra balhadores do Restaurante Rural Vó Maria, os membros da Adesco, os empre endedores deturismo, em Areia, e os representantes das instâncias intermediárias – papel ocupado porentidades como o Senar, o Sebrae, a PBTur, o Cooperar, a Atura, dentre outras implicadas naformatação do turismo no espaço rural. Complementarmente, realizou-se uma pesquisa exploratória junto aos clientes do Restaurante, por meio de questionários e do acompanhamento de excursões, o que permitiu traçar um perfil e identificar as demandas do público consumidor. A análise articula categorias nativas e analíticas, mantendo em perspectiva as trocas simbólicas entre os sitiantes e os outros agentes. As solidariedades e osjogos de interesse que marcam as relações entre eles são tratados a partir da teoria da dádiva,de Marcel Mauss, da sociologia da dominação, de Pierre Bourdieu, e da noção de reciprocidade hierárquica de Marcos Lanna. Defende-se a tese que a participação dos sitiantesna produção da oferta turística viabiliza-se por meio de alianças, nos planos interno e externo,estabelecidas com base na troca de dons, seguindo o princípio da reciprocidade hierárquica.Por um lado, as trocas de dádivas com outros agentes tendem a promover o reconhecimento social e elevar a autoestima dos sitiantes; e, por outro lado, tendem a gerar diferenciação interna e novas hierarquias, naturalizando a subordinação e a dominação simbólica dos empregados aos patrões. Desse modo, as lutas simbólicas são compreendidas como lutas cotidianas por reconhecimento e dignidade, que visam à superação do processo deinferiorização e invisibilidade às quais os sitiantes e outros grupos mal posicionados noespaço social são submetidos na relação com as classes dominantes. Por muito tempo "invisibilizadas", essas lutas só puderam ganhar a cena a partir da implantação de políticas públicas de enfrentamento à pobreza rural, do estímulo à educação no campo e de ações de desenvolvimento rural, que, além de elevar as condições de vida da população rural,permitiram a emergência e o fortalecimento de lideranças locais. Longe de ser um movimentoem sentido único, que resulte em uma verdadeira reestruturação das posições no espaço social, as solidariedades e lutas observadas entre os agentes revelam-se um processo complexo e ambíguo, pleno de contradições, dentro do qual se estabelecem diferentes níveisde reciprocidade, seja dentro do microssistema comunitário, sejam nas trocas entre os sitiantese os empre endedores do município, as instâncias intermediárias ou os consumidores,formando o que poderia ser considerado um circuito ampliado de circulação de dádivas nomercado turístico no Brejo Paraibano.

This paper introduces an unpublished 1970 work written by the distinguished development economist Lauchlin Currie (1902-93) on Paul Rosenstein Rodan's famous 1944 essay on the "Big Push" which led to the debate on balanced and unbalanced growth in which Albert Hirschman (1915-2012) was an important contributor. Both Currie and Hirschman had been key economic advisers to the Colombian government and here their respective views on development planning are contrasted. In particular, it is shown how Currie's 1970 paper clarifies the theory that serves as the basis for Colombia's 1971-74 National Plan, which he designed and helped execute, and whose institutional innovations have had a lasting impact on Colombia's recent economic history. ; Este escrito presenta un trabajo inédito de 1970 del distinguido economista del desarrollo Lauchlin Currie (1902-1993) sobre el famoso artículo de 1944 acerca del "Gran Impulso" de Paul Rosenstein-Rodan, que llevó al debate del crecimiento balanceado y desbalanceado en el que Albert Hirschman (1915 - 2012) fue un partícipe importante. Tanto Currie como Hirschman fueron asesores económicos del gobierno colombiano y aquí se contrastan sus respectivos puntos de vista sobre la planeación del desarrollo. En particular, se muestra que el artículo de Currie de1970 esclarece la teoría que sirve de base al Plan Nacional 1971-1974 de Colombia, que él diseñó y ayudó a ejecutar, y cuyas innovaciones institucionales han tenido un impacto duradero en la historia económica reciente de Colombia. ; Este texto apresenta um trabalho inédito de 1970 do reconhecido economista do desenvolvimento Lauchlin Currie (1902-1993) sobre o famoso artigo de 1944 referente ao "Grande Impulso" de Paul Rosenstein-Rodan, que levou ao debate do crescimento balanceado e desbalanceado no que Albert Hirschman (1915-2012) foi um partícipe importante. Tanto Currie quanto Hirschman foram assessores econômicos do governo colombiano, e aqui se contrastam seus respectivos pontos de vista sobre o planejamento do desenvolvimento. Em particular, mostra-se que o artigo deCurrie de 1970 esclarece a teoria que serve de base para o Plano Nacional 1971-1974 da Colômbia, que ele desenhou e ajudou a executar e cujas inovações institucionais têm tido um impacto duradouro na história econômica recente da Colômbia.

Les utilisateurs se livrent sur les réseaux dits sociaux à des mise en scène continues, ponctuées de likes, ce nouveau rituel d'interaction. Le like étant signe d'approbation et d'adhésion – qui pourrait faire advenir par la simple volonté du grand nombre, un effet de vérité –, c'est désormais le rapport des hommes à l'accès aux connaissances et à l'évaluation des savoirs qui pose problème. Le défi majeur touche au coeur du fonctionnement démocratique : il consiste à débusquer les manipulations et impostures, et éviter que la solidité et donc la valeur de toute information ne se mesure désormais en nombre de likes. Cet article invite à réfléchir au rôle et au statut du contenu véhiculé par ces réseaux et à oeuvrer dans le but de retransformer l'objet et le but de ces réseaux en lieux de partage dans l'intérêt commun. ; Users of "social" networks are engaged in a continuous performance that is punctuated with "likes," which have become a new ritual of interaction. Since "like" is a sign of agreement and approval that can, through the tyranny of mere number, produce a truth-effect, what becomes problematic is human beings' relations to ways of accessing knowledge and evaluating ideas. The major challenge in this goes to the very heart of how democracy works: the latter consists in flushing out manipulation and false identities and in preventing the reliability and value of information from being measured solely in terms of the number of "likes" it has received. This article explores the role and the status of the content that circulates on social networks and seeks ways in which the aim and object of these online networks can once again become a venue for sharing, which will enhance the common interest.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

There is a growing body of literature that recognises the advantages of collective human actions in various contexts. People can have more insights and social experiences when they collaborate in groups and can achieve better results than any single individual. In this paper, we argue that co-creation can be used in urban planning by treating citizens as active, creative, decision-making equals rather than passive recipients of top-down design. Rather than asking for citizen commentary on already set initiatives, collaborative techniques view city populations as agents of positive change, giving communities tools of direct involvement in outlining their needs and priorities, collaboratively finding solutions, influencing decisions and achieving better outcomes. The focus of this article is the creation of a typology of citizen engagement strategies in urban planning, which sheds light on broader issues around the relationship between technology, urban development and public participation. By exploring and critically assessing case studies of citizen co-creation in the city context, we attempt to show how citizen engagement can lead to construction and redefinition of public spaces. ; Funded by the Horizon 2020 Framework Programme of the European Union. ; peer-reviewed

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

This essay examines several factors that have stood in the way of an appropriate appreciation of the contributions of the theater of Lope de Vega and the Spanish comedia to early modern literature, factors that include political rivalries, oppositional national self-definitions, and religious differences. Reference is made to an assortment of works of Lope, Shakespeare, Ben Jonson and Webster. ; Este trabajo examina unos factores que, entre el siglo XVII y hoy en día, han dificultado la apreciación debida de las contribuciones del teatro de Lope de Vega y de la comedia española a la literatura de la primera modernidad, factores que incluyen rivalidades político-nacionales, construcciones nacionales enfrentadas y diferencias religiosas. Se hace referencia a diversas obras de Lope, de Shakespeare, Ben Jonson y Webster.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.