Suchergebnisse

AbstractOne of the many dimensions of the global tussle surrounding the Covid‐19 pandemic has been the rise of right‐wing radicalization. In this article, we investigate whether the pandemic offered an opportunity for the Greek Cypriot far‐right party, ELAM, to increase its visibility as an opposition force and in what ways. We also explore the transformations in populist rhetoric and practices in the Republic of Cyprus, seeking to identify patterns of persistence and evolution, particularly in how they handle scientific matters in their political stances. Similarly, we delve into the impact of far‐right populist politics on the political dynamics in Cyprus. Our findings indicate that pandemic politics were not the exclusive or primary factor in the normalization of the far right but rather served as an accelerator of preexisting trends. The party's handling of the pandemic and scientific principles signifies the diversity within the far‐right phenomenon rather than pointing to a universal pattern.

ALTHOUGH THE NEW ASIAN AND AFRICAN STATES ARE STRONG ADVOCATES OF THE UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS, THEY HAVE NOT OFTEN LIVED UP TO IT. MANY THOUSANDS HAVE BEEN KILLED IN CONFLICTS IN INDONESIA, NIGERIA AND BERUNDI. A DAUBLE STANDARD HAS ARISEN - CONDEMNATION OF THE DENIAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS, BUT A REFUSAL TO FACE UP TO THE MASSIVE VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE THRID WORLD.

AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 1970S, FEMINISM SEEMED TO BE ON THE RISE. IN 1972, CONGRESS PASSED THE EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT, AND IN 1973, THE SUPREME COURT ASSERTED THAT A WOMAN'S RIGHT TO HAVE AN ABORTION WAS CONSTITUTIONALLY PROTECTED. YET, BY THE 1980S, THIS PICTURE HAD CHANGED CONSIDERABLY AS THE FORTUNES OF THE WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENT TOOK A DOWNWARD TURN. ON JUNE 30, 1982, THE DEADLINE FOR RATIFICATION OF THE E.R.A. PASSED WITHOUT IT GAINING THE REQUISITE NUMBER OF STATE VOTES. SIMILARLY, FEDERAL FINANCING OF ABORTIONS WAS SEVERELY CURTAILED IN THE LATE 1970S, AND THERE APPEARS TO BE A POSSIBILITY THAT A HUMAN LIFE AMENDMENT WILL BE PASSED SOMETIME BEFORE 1984.

Abstract
In the 1970s, United Nations debates on human rights and economic inequality were deeply shaped by the New International Economic Order (nieo) advocated by the developing countries and the basic needs development strategy championed by the World Bank and the United States. This article uses archives from Sweden, Denmark, and Norway as well as UN records, to examine the contributions Scandinavian diplomats and policymakers made to these debates. It demonstrates that the Scandinavians took a favorable position on both the nieo and basic needs, viewing them as complementary strategies to realize economic and social human rights. This view matched their activist foreign policies centered on UN diplomacy, human rights, and Global South solidarity. Finally, the article argues that the Scandinavian position reflected and was underpinned by a broad conception of human rights that put economic and social rights on an even footing with civil and political rights.

Analyzes ideological differences between extreme right-wing parties & their voters in the Flemish & Walloon part of Belgium, referring to ongoing research (N = 30 interviews to date). Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements -- (biological) racism, extreme ethnonationalism, the leadership principle, antiparliamentarianism, & an antileftist attitude -- that refer to the basic value of right-wing extremism: inequality of individuals & (ethnic) groups. This bears out in an analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders. However, the attitudes & motives of the voters of this party lie in opposition to those of right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok & its electorate is attributed to the strategy of this party, because it cultivates two faces: populist/moderate to attract votes & radical extreme right-wing to recruit & motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties & their voters, but it is suggested that Flemish research may well be generalized. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Aspects of Quebec's political and legal system that have been characterized in terms of "collective rights" often rely upon a mischaracterization of that concept, especially in terms of strict definitions of that concept. One result of that mischaracterization is the tendency to perceive the relationship between Quebec and Canada in terms of a conflict between individual and collective rights claims, particularly in relation to language. Those perceptions have resulted in a tendency to identify Quebec as non-liberal and anti-individualist. However, understanding the distinction between group interests (which all liberal societies seek to manage and promote), claims to sovereignty, and a meaningful definition of rights and liberties may reveal a Quebec that is much more liberal and individualist than popular claims and misplaced judicial semantics might, otherwise, indicate.

This article examines people's assessments, ex post, of whether their decision to vote or to abstain in a given election was the right one. We use 22 surveys conducted in 5 different countries (Canada, France, Germany, Spain and Switzerland) in national, supra-national and sub-national elections between 2011 and 2015. We find that the great majority of those who voted were satisfied with their decision to vote while non-voters were more doubtful about the wisdom of their decision to abstain. We also find that those who are interested in politics, who feel that they have a moral duty to vote in elections, and who feel close to a party are more prone to be satisfied with their decision to vote and to be dissatisfied if they chose to abstain.

The promotion of human rights has faced challenges in recent years in the United States and elsewhere. In this study, human rights discourses are examined in the context of strategic foreign policy rhetoric by the United States. The routine of foreign policy statements is meant to create audiences receptive to U.S. foreign policy aims, but also reveals underlying ideologies and assumptions. The analysis examines U.S. State Department Human Rights Country Reports between 2000 and 2019. The results show that the assumed ideal model of human rights is heavily based on U.S. political tradition. The performance of other countries is evaluated against the 'exceptionalist' U.S. model without consideration of different cultural or societal contexts. Linguistic choices are made to highlight the agency of authorities and events, which can be seen as a strategy of diplomatic face-saving. In some cases, countries are evaluated on an unequal basis based on political expediency. ; Peer reviewed