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During the first half of the 1980s the 'Maitatsine' movement was an explosive factor in Nigerian society. Maitatsine and his followers constantly attacked what they saw as the corrupt religious practice of the established Islamic community of Kano. (SJO)

Thesis (B.L.)--University of Illinois, 1888. ; Ms. ; Bound with 10 other theses. IU-R

Worldview and Social Practice takes a cognitive-discourse approach to semantic analysis of worldview constructions along Space, Time and Attitude (STA) coordinates. It demonstrates how variations in STA schemas shape Dutch political parties' worldviews and the rationale behind their election manifestos (2006, 2010). Results reveal a general trend towards a more conservative worldview system in The Netherlands that warrants more restrictive policies to ostensibly tighten security and increase stability. Variations in spatial schemas transcend the left-right divide in party competition and call attention to party positioning on the progressiveconservative dimension from a cultural-cognitive perspective. STA analysis makes a contribution to the transdisciplinary ambitions of Critical Discourse Studies to build bridges between linguistics, political science and sociology for a deeper understanding of diversity in social practices.

Laws that regulate the financing of campaigns are one attempt to attenuate the role of money in politics and promote more egalitarian policy outcomes. Do states with stricter campaign finance regulations represent citizens' interests more equally? Using data on state spending priorities from 1977 to 2008, this article finds that states with stricter campaign finance laws devote a larger proportion of their annual budget to public welfare spending in general and to cash assistance programs in particular. In contrast, there is no relationship between the strictness of campaign finance laws and spending decisions for non-redistributive policy areas. I also investigate possible causal mechanisms and uncover evidence that stricter campaign finance laws alter incentives for candidates to respond to wealthy constituents by lessening the proportion of contributions that originate from business interests. These results suggest that laws that regulate the financing of political campaigns can play an important role in promoting the interests of disadvantaged citizens and enhancing political equality.

Representation is a matter of linkage. In this paper it is argued that a useful handle can be gained on the problem of identifying and measuring representational relationships empirically by viewing representation as a type of support linkage between members of political systems and the authorities.To conceive representation as a type of support linkage is to direct attention primarily to the represented rather than the representative. Representational relationships have functional significance for political systems particularly because they are linkages which involve members' satisfaction-dissatisfaction with the behavior of the political authorities—linkages which reflect the degree to which members feel that the performance of the authorities "stands for" or "re-presents" their own interests; and this performance satisfaction-dissatisfaction presumably makes a contribution to more general support for the political system. In contrast to legitimacy sentiments, which are independent of immediate outputs from political authorities, members' perceptions of representational linkages between themselves and the authorities depend on their affective responses to outputs, encompassing not only instrumental performance satisfactions, but (and most commonly among the membership in general) symbolic performance satisfactions as well.This paper reports an exploratory investigation of a construct for measuring sense of representation. The sample consists of a group of students enrolled at the University of Iowa—including, in order to ensure adequate variation on the support scales, a number of students arrested for participating in a protest demonstration against the presence of Marine recruiters on the University of Iowa campus.

"Now in its third edition, Women, Politics, and Public Policy continues to incorporate uniquely Canadian perspectives on the intersectionality of feminism, women's politics, and public policy-making. This third edition balances historical content and contemporary politics and offers completely updated statistical data and the latest directions in public policy. Highlighting women's politics and policy advocacy in Canada, this comprehensive volume serves students of political science and women's studies as well as those studying sociology, history, law, and social work. This core text for second- and third-year students of political science and women's studies has been extensively updated to reflect the most current debates, research, and data on contemporary issues such as gender politics and equality, LGBTQ+ issues, global feminist campaigns such as the #MeToo and Time's Up movements, the impact of digital generations on politics, and the impacts of policy on minority and marginalized women."--

Introduction: The rise of political hate speech online -- Part I. Political hate speech in Europe -- 1. The nature, and a first definition, of political hate speech -- 2. Political hate speech between Europe and usa -- 3. Hate speech: The role and responsibilities of political leaders according to the council of Europe -- Part II. Political hate speech online -- 4. Political hate speech and the new framework of digital networks -- 5. The typical Contents of political hate speech online -- 6. An overview of European online political hate -- 7. Politics online and the use of hate speech -- 8. The instant communication of political hate speech -- 9. Political hate speech and the use of big data -- 10. The distortion of the democratic balance -- 11. Contrasting political hate speech online -- conclusions: The future of political hate speech online -- Index.