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In the early 1960s, Latin America was on the brink of significant economic growth, withschool attainment and income levels well ahead of East Asia. However, by 2000, despitegreater financial and political efforts to develop their education system to the standard offully developed countries, Latin America had already been well surpassed by East Asia. Byconsidering the influence of education and human capital accumulation, this paperendeavours to rationalise the disparities between the economic failures of Latin America bycomparison to the economic prosperity of East Asia. Internationally standardised cognitivetesting consistently shows Latin America below East Asia, indicating a greater quality ofeducation in East Asia. Moreover, Latin America appears to experience some degree ofdifficulty in retaining its human capital due to 'brain drain'. As such, whilst the LatinAmerican labour force continues to grow, the average level of education is deteriorating,which in turn adversely affects economic prosperity.

Previous research has convincingly shown that residential segregation and unfavorable political structures are important factors when explaining the occurrence of riots. Still, structural factors such as these cannot, in themselves, explain why riots take place instead of peaceful protests or complete inactivity. In this paper I argue that more scholarly attention should be paid to the immediate triggers of riots, specific events that almost always involve actors within local government institutions of social control —in the form of the police, politicians, or the courts. The actions undertaken by these actors must be considered, because these actions are crucial in causing riot outbreaks and are undertheorized in previous research, I argue. The aim of this paper is to develop this theoretical approach and illustrating the approach with empirical data on the 1992 Los Angeles riot, the most violent riot in the U.S.A. since the 1960s.

A double contrast makes the labor scene paradoxical: the first contrast is between official organizations, submitted to the political power, and a multitude of small groups which try to organize the struggles; the second contrast is between a huge workers federation centralized and bureaucratized and around 20 corporatist middle class syndicates for learned professions. ; Un double clivage rend le paysage syndical égyptien pour le moins paradoxal: clivage d'abord entre des organisations syndicales officielles soumises au pouvoir et un ensemble de petits groupes qui tentent d'organiser les luttes; clivage ensuite entre une grande fédération ouvrière hyper centralisée et bureaucratisée, et une vingtaine de syndicats corporatistes de classe moyenne, regroupant les professions diplômées. Le contraste est d'autant plus frappant entre la montée des mécontentements et des frustrations, la paralysie des grandes organisation et les difficultés rencontrées par de toutes petites organisations dans leurs efforts de mobilisation

This document shows that the study of cities requires of a minimal knowledge about a set of indicators that allow designing, measure and evaluating the performance of the public political implemented in an urban agglomeration. Indicators related to: dynamic demographics, economy, the poverty, investigative and technologic developments, even the competitiveness indicators can reveal to us rhythms and tendencies about the changes occurring in certain cities: in this case, Neiva ; Este documento muestra que el estudio de las ciudades requiere de un conocimiento mínimo de un conjunto de indicadores que posibiliten diseñar, medir y evaluar el desempeño de las políticas públicas implementadas en una aglomeración urbana. Indicadores relacionados con: la dinámica demográfica, la economía, la pobreza, el empleo, los desarrollos investigativos y tecnológicos, incluso los indicadores de competitividad, nos pueden revelar los ritmos y tendencias de los cambios ocurridos en ciertas ciudades: en este caso, Neiva

artículo (arbitrado) -- Universidad de Costa Rica, Escuela de Estudios Generales. 2011 ; A través de un caso de estudio (El Camino, Yasín: 2008) este artículo inspecciona por medio de entrevistas y observación participante las relaciones laborales y artísticas que posibilitan la producción cinematográfica en Centroamérica para señalar las limitaciones e inverosimilitudes de enmarcar las películas en un discurso político –identitario que se describa desde el estado– nacional costarricense. ; Through a case study (El Camino, Yasín: 2008) this paper points the results of direct interviews and participant observation at the working and artistic relations that make the cinematographic production possible in Central America in order to point at the limitations and implausibility of framing the films in to a political- identitary discourse described from the Costa Rican National State. ; Universidad de Costa Rica ; UCR::Vicerrectoría de Docencia::Ciencias Básicas::Sistema de Educación General::Escuela de Estudios Generales

A double contrast makes the labor scene paradoxical: the first contrast is between official organizations, submitted to the political power, and a multitude of small groups which try to organize the struggles; the second contrast is between a huge workers federation centralized and bureaucratized and around 20 corporatist middle class syndicates for learned professions. ; Un double clivage rend le paysage syndical égyptien pour le moins paradoxal: clivage d'abord entre des organisations syndicales officielles soumises au pouvoir et un ensemble de petits groupes qui tentent d'organiser les luttes; clivage ensuite entre une grande fédération ouvrière hyper centralisée et bureaucratisée, et une vingtaine de syndicats corporatistes de classe moyenne, regroupant les professions diplômées. Le contraste est d'autant plus frappant entre la montée des mécontentements et des frustrations, la paralysie des grandes organisation et les difficultés rencontrées par de toutes petites organisations dans leurs efforts de mobilisation

Статья посвящена анализу причин распада в 1917 г. Российской Империи. Автор рассматривает имперские образования как особый тип государственности, приводит их характерные черты и через призму этих компонентов в сжатой форме пытается проследить процесс формирования Российской Империи, эволюцию российских властных структур, идейно-религиозных и политических обоснований легитимности верховной власти, показать место и роль этнонационального вопроса в судьбах страны, а также влияние внешних и внутренних политических, экономических и социокультурных факторов на процесс эволюции империи. ; The article is devoted to the causes of the Russian Empire breakup. The author studies imperial foundations as a particular type of statehood, shows their features in the light of these components and tries to trace the process of the Russian Empire formation, the evolution of Russian Imperious structure, ideological-religious and political basis of supreme authority legitimacy, show the place and role of ethno-national problem in history of countries.

В статье рассматриваются межэтнические взаимодействия и их основные механизмы. Одна из важнейших особенностей данной проблемы изучение специфики межэтнического взаимодействия в рамках функционального и феноменологического подхода. Анализируются механизмы межэтнического взаимодействия: политическое взаимодействие, взаимодействие на уровне правовых норм, религиозные контакты, взаимодействие на уровне повседневных контактов представителей этносов. Обязательным элементом культуры, участвующим в межэтническом взаимодействии, является язык. ; The article deals with the problem of interethnic interaction and its basic mechanisms. One of the most important aspects of the given problem is the specifics of interethnic cooperation in the framework of the functional and the phenomenological approach. Mechanisms of interethnic interaction can be reduced to such components as the political interaction, the interaction at the level of legal norms, religious contacts and interaction at the level of everyday contacts of representatives of ethnic groups. A special element of the culture, participating in interethnic cooperation, is the language.

The paper's empirical analysis is based on a comparative approach combining a most different systems design for case selection with within-case analyses based on process-tracing. The selected cases are examples of high-stakes situations in which tactical-level commanders have made decisions with far-reaching political repercussions. Both positive and negative outcomes are studied. A total of four cases are analyzed. These cases are comprised of 1. the Athenia incident in 1939, 2. the battle for the Valley of Tears in 1973, 3. the Black Hawk fratricide incident over Iraq in 1994, 4. the riots in Čaglavica in 2004. These cases illustrate the theoretical framework using two cases that occurred within the context of conventional warfare and two cases that occurred during military operations other than war (MOOTW). The cases also illustrate the applicability of the theoretical framework to cases across time, space and military branches/specializations.

В научной статье автор анализирует изменения, происходящие в Российском законодательстве по вопросам систематизации, изменений в осуществлении функций государства по исполнению уголовных наказаний и исправлению осужденных, в период с 70-х годов XX в. по 2000 гг. Используя методологию исторического и сравнительного анализа, автор предпринял попытку обобщения тех изменений в функционировании пенитенциарной системы, которые стали возможными вследствие глобальных политико-экономических и идеологических перемен в социальном укладе Российского государства. ; In the scientific article the author analyzes the changes occurring in the Russian legislation concerning ordering, changes in realization of functions of the state on execution of criminal punishments and correction condemned, during the period from 70 to 2000. Using methodology of the historical and comparative analysis, the author has made attempt generalizations of those changes in functioning of the penitentiary system, which steels possible owing to global political-economical and ideological changes in social way of the Russian state.

While there is only little transformation to the absolute power of the party-state to be detected, some grassroots democratic experiments, however, are receiving enormous attention of the world, especially village elections. Nevertheless, this preliminary exercise of democracy is widely characterized as a mixed bag of results. Since its first conduction, it has experienced immense development and bought great impact not only on different rural political institutions, but also on common mass villagers, as well as changes to the local governance. But at the same time, the limitations of the factual effectiveness of these elections can hardly be underestimated and such aspects as the standardization of electoral procedures are still to be further improved. Moreover, given the wide variations across Chinese countryside and the strong oppositions from all levels, the future of China's village elections remain hard to gauge.

This article analyzes the importance of system-level features, such as political and economic development, and individual-level factors for the support of liberal democracy. Using multilevel modeling, the study explicitly distinguishes between the role of subjective evaluations at the individual level and objective facts at the system level. The findings obtained using a sample of 36 countries indicate that objective economic performance is the most important system-level factor for system support. Improvements in the degree of democracy do not affect public support. Individual subjective perception is predominant for determining specific support. Contrary to previous studies, there is no evidence that the liberal-democratic society reaches a degree of acceptance that immunizes it from economic developments. Nor is there evidence that citizens of non-democratic regime types will urge for democratic change when the regime performs well in economic terms.

Critical infrastructure protection is prominently concerned with objects that appear indispensable for the functioning of social and political life. However, the analysis of material objects in discussions of critical infrastructure protection has remained largely within the remit of managerial responses, which see matter as simply passive, a blank slate. In security studies, critical approaches have focused on social and cultural values, forms of life, technologies of risk or structures of neoliberal globalization. This article engages with the role of 'things' or of materiality for theories of securitization. Drawing on the materialist feminism of Karen Barad, it shows how critical infrastructure in Europe neither is an empty receptacle of discourse nor has 'essential' characteristics; rather, it emerges out of material-discursive practices. Understanding the securitization of critical infrastructure protection as a process of materialization allows for a reconceptualization of how security matters and its effects.

Along with individuals' ideological factors, various network properties play a crucial role in the process of legislators' political decision making. Social networks among legislators provide relational resources through which communication occurs, exerting social influence among the members in a network. This paper examines six social relationships among the members of the 109th United States Senate as predictors of senatorial voting (roll call votes), shared committees, co-sponsorships, party membership, PAC donation, geographical contiguity, and internet hyperlinks, which may be considered as direct or indirect representations of communication networks. The six networks are modeled using MRQAP, and results suggest that roll call voting was predicted by party membership, co-sponsorship, geographical proximity, and PAC donation networks, while shared committee membership did not contribute significantly. As for hyperlinks, results were mixed, showing a small variance of contribution in a simpler model but not significant with more complex models.

AbstractSince the fall of communism, democracy has come to be seen as the 'only game in town'– the only legitimate form of political system. Democracy is considered legitimate because it provides for individual rights and allows the people access to the resources of the state. If 'we the people' defines the limits of these entitlements, the next logical question is who are 'the people'? In contemporary developed states, the problem of diversity is most often framed as a problem of immigration; the arrival of new groups threatens both the presumed homogeneity of established nations and their democracy. We argue for a new conception of democracy, which takes into account the constructed nature of 'the people' that democracy empowers. This paper attempts to provide such an account by advocating a new understanding of the relationship between nationalism, citizenship, and democracy.