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Governments use identifications of groups – whether it is state-determined or self-identified – in formulating minority policies, while organizations and individuals often use forms of identification in searching for areas of sameness. In both cases, the classification used affects policies and actions. Identifications based on language, religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, and citizenship create borders in society, but simultaneously offer opportunities to transcend other forms of borders. From the 1870s until the Second World War, Estonia went through four governments, each with its own form of identification – tsarist Russia, independent Estonia, Soviet Estonia, and Nazi Germany. For the Swedish minority living in a borderland, subsequent minority policies shaped the direction of their cultural development, but it was the transnational connection with individuals and organizations in Sweden, and later the Swedish government (although the type of identification shifted over time) that transcended political borders and had the greatest impact on the population's cultural development.

Though politics and promotion have never been completely separate, the convergence between the two spheres is increasingly prominent in today's digital culture. To broaden our understanding of such promotional politics in social media, this paper examines commercial collaborations between four Swedish influencers and two private companies that offer services enabled by specific neoliberal reforms during recent decades, and how they strive to present these services in a way that attracts an affluent but socially conscious middle-class. It argues that the political potential of influencers might not always be as spokespersons for a cause or party, but rather as 'ideological intermediaries' who promote a lifestyle to be inspired by, and aspire to. The analysis identifies the discourses that influencers draw on to achieve the promotional and ideological outcomes of commercial collaborations, as well as the authenticity labour that they perform in the texts. Further, the paper analyses how notions of authenticity also impact audiences' interpretation and politicization of the collaborations, in the comment sections to the sponsored blogposts.

It is a widely used assumption in the literature on political decision-making that leaders 'choose their battles' according to their interests. This strategic approach often results in seemingly 'fake crises'; crises which are – as opposed to natural disasters – not exogenous in nature. These crises are exceptional in that they are avoidable and are the product of political entrepreneurs following deliberate agendas. In this paper, the logic of crisis manufacturing is illustrated by a case study of the 'fiscal wars' of 2011–2013. The case study shows how, given the right institutional environment, political entrepreneurs, even those outside the political mainstream, can use crisis manufacturing to their advantage. In order to exploit the institutional veto points related to fiscal policy in the U.S. constitutional system, various actors associated with the Republican Party and the Tea Party movement used a networked, coalition-based approach to reach these goals. Although their quest to instill a regime of fiscal conservatism was eventually unsuccessful, they did manage to raise their national profile and set the policy agenda for an extended period.

Part I. A southern New Deal, 1933-1945: The New Deal: southern enthusiasm -- Liberal hopes and conservative fears -- Part II. Racial change, a long massive resistance, and liberal fatalism, 1945-1965: A liberal window of opportunity? -- Brown and backlash -- Part III. The rise and fall of biracial politics after 1965: Voting rights, a long southern strategy, and conservative accommodation -- Thwarted promises of a new south.

This book offers a compelling account of young people's attempts to get involved in community politics, and documents the battles waged to form youth movements and create social change in schools and neighborhoods.--[book cover].

Argues that a purely economic approach that focuses on global poverty and poverty alleviation through neoliberal policies and free trade is unsound, because such policies widen inequality domestically and internationally and that poverty reduction strategies proposed by international institutions ignore the role of Western governments and corporations.

This article discusses the historical context of the famed dissident intellectual Jalal Al-e Ahmad's (1923–69) travelogue documenting his visit to Israel in early 1963, posthumously titledSafar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil(Journey to the Province of the Angel of Death), focusing on (1) the political and intellectual context and reception of his controversial essay, in particular the brief infatuation of Iranian anti-Soviet socialists in the League of Iranian Socialists with socialist Zionism; (2) Al-e Ahmad's discussion of political sovereignty and theo-politics in modern Israel and the important insights and observations provided therein; and (3), finally, the shifting sands of Al-e Ahmad's engagement with Israel and Zionism and their relation to how he understood the politics of anticolonialism in the context of modern Iran following the 1953coup d'état, which overthrew the nationalist government of Mohammad Mosaddeq, the Shah's "White Revolution" and the Arab–Israeli War of 1967. The development of his views from ones of curiosity, fascination and ambivalence to condemnation echo less a simplistic and psychologized "return to religion" or "quest for authenticity" than an integration of the category of coloniality in relation to a wider field of struggles then unfolding across the global South during the 1960s, and provided the basis for a critique of not only Iranian social democrats, but several leading lights of the French left.