Suchergebnisse

For the sustainable and sustainable development of the Shuar nationality, belonging to the province of Morona Santiago,Ecuador. It also has the support GIPS participants. The area of the investigation was 47930.40 ha, it presents mountainousreliefs and its altitude varies between 620 and 2000 meters above sea level and with annual precipitation of 2500 to 3000mm. The average temperature ranges between 18 °C and 24 °C. It has a population of 9401 inhabitants, whose populationdistribution corresponds to 4.3% urban, 95.7% rural. This study included the SENPLADES guidelines to elaboration andupdating of the Plans of Development and Territorial Ordering, which was structured in three phases, in the first, secondaryinformation was collected considering its availability and quality. In addition, the complementation and generation of newinformation of a primary nature was planned; In the second phase, in Chiguaza, prior socialization and training of nativetechnicians in the basic management of ARCGIS software 10.4. In 34 communities' surveys, interviews, participatorymapping and the application of the Global Positioning System (GPS) for dereferencing were applied; In the third phase, thecurrent situation of Chiguaza was analyzed, generating a real territorial model through coremas in the environmental, sociocultural,productive and community-based components. The surveys were applied to the presidents of the communities,interviews were also applied to the families of the community that participated in the workshop. For the georeferencingdifferential GPS (Spectra) was used with a margin of error of 0.50 cm and two tactile GPS (Oregon 700) with a margin oferror of 1 m. In addition, a participatory mapping was carried out through 3 interactive workshops, with the participation ofthe presidents of the communities and four delegates from each of them. After the information was collected, it was systematizedusing the ARCGIS Software 10.4. The main results of the research process allowed real knowledge in the environmental,sociocultural, productive and community settlements, with spatial and alphanumeric information. The analysismaps of each component describes the context identifying the problems of the territory in the face of deforestation, reducingthe area to cultivate their farms, putting at risk the food security of the community families, the supply of water for humanconsumption, identification the potential of biodiversity in natural forests and reserve area. Among other aspects that willallow leaders, authorities and local governments to make sound decisions regarding the reality of the studied area. ; Con el objeto de identificar la situación actual de los habitantes de la parroquia Chiguaza, como una aproximación a larealidad que permita orientar la planificación y toma de decisiones para el desarrollo sustentable y sostenible de la nacionalidadShuar, perteneciente a la provincia de Morona Santiago, Ecuador, teniendo como apoyo los SIG participativos. El áreade la investigación fue de 47930.40 ha, presenta relieves montañosos, variando su altitud entre los 620 y los 2000 msnm ycon precipitaciones de 2500 a 3000 mm anuales. La temperatura promedio oscila entre los 18 °C y 24 °C. Cuenta con unapoblación de 9401 habitantes, cuya distribución poblacional corresponde al 4.3% urbana, 95.7% rural. El estudio incluyó loslineamientos de SENPLADES para la elaboración y actualización de los Planes de Desarrollo y Ordenamiento Territorial,estructurado en tres fases, en la primera se recopiló información secundaria considerando su disponibilidad y su calidad,además se planificó su complementación y generación de nueva información de carácter primaria, en la segunda fase, enChiguaza, previa socialización y capacitación de técnicos nativos en manejo básico del software ARCGIS 10.4, en 34 comunidadesse aplicaron encuestas comunitarias, entrevistas, mapeo participativo y la aplicación del Sistema de PosicionamientoGlobal (GPS) para georreferenciación, en la tercera fase se analizó la situación actual de Chiguaza generando unmodelo territorial real mediante coremas en los componentes ambiental, socio cultural, productivo y asentamientos comunitarios. Las encuestas, se aplicaron a los presidentes de las comunidades, la entrevista a las familias de la comunidad queparticiparon del taller, para la georreferenciación se utilizó un GPS diferencial (Spectra) con un margen de error de 0.50 cmy dos GPS táctiles (Oregón 700) con un margen de error de 1m, el mapeo participativo se realizó mediante 3 talleres interactivos,con la participación de los presidentes de las comunidades y cuatro delegados de cada una de ellas, luego del levantamientode la información, se procedió a sistematizarla, utilizando el Software ARCGIS 10.4. Los principales resultados delproceso investigativo permitió el conocimiento real en los componentes ambiental, socio cultural, productivo y asentamientoscomunitarios, con información espacial y alfanumérica. Los mapas de análisis de cada componente describen el contextoidentificando los problemas del territorio frente a la deforestación, reducción de la superficie para cultivar sus chacras, poneren riesgo la seguridad alimentaria de las familias comunitarias, el abastecimiento de agua para el consumo humano, identificacióndel potencial de la biodiversidad en los bosques naturales y áreas de reserva, entre otros aspectos que permitirán a losdirigentes, autoridades y gobiernos locales tomar decisiones acertadas en torno a la realidad del área de estudio.

Since 1921 on the territories of ex-Russian empire that according to the conditions of the Treaty of Rome was a part of Rzeczpospolita (Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) and since 1922 in eastern Galicia the government of the country started general call to military service. The aim of this article is to define and analyze the principle factors that determined the attitude of Ukrainian servicemen to military service in Polish army, to look into and describe how units' commanders characterized Ukrainian recruits, and to clarify who were Ukrainians in Polish army "ours" or "alien". The first calls of Ukrainians to military service in Polish army took place at the time of the biggest tensions in the bilateral relations caused by the defeat of West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR), uncertain Public Legal Status of Eastern Galicia, increase in dissatisfaction with government's reform, particularly with the agrarian one. In routine life the level of tension/hostility depended on the level of engagement of Polish/Ukrainians/others in recent military and political battles, changes that happened/ were happening in the life of people resulted from social, economic and political transformations. These factors strengthened by the stereotypes that formed during previous decades/centuries influenced the relations among the officers and Ukrainian recruits. Although the representatives of national minority were considered to be the citizens of the country that had to perform their military duty, suspicion and sometimes the persuasion in their anti-state moods or tendency to perceive and spread anti-Polish slogans was really strong.Showing excessive and groundless suspicion became numerous but not system facts of intolerant and sometimes even hostile attitude from the officers to Ukrainian recruits. That was one of the reasons for desertion of the latter and deepening their distrust towards the commanding staff of the army unit. General headquarters acknowledged the existence of abuse and made some efforts to provide healthy work environment in the army. It was successful to some extend as during the interwar period there were no obvious conflicts based on national or religious beliefs.The suspicions of military political leadership of Rzeczpospolita in political disloyalty of Ukrainian servicemen were mainly groundless and exaggerated. Based on the archival material analysis we can state that the recruits with low level of education or illiterate at all, with a weak sense of national consciousness and not engaged into military competition of 1918–1919 were considered in the army as good/capable soldiers and politically loyal citizens. One can say about such servicemen that they performed their military duty as they were persuaded that "the law/order of the government must be obeyed" but not with the sense of duty to the country. At the same time people who were elleducated,with the strong sense of national consciousness, active in social and political life, participants of armed Polish-Ukrainian standoff were suspected in disloyalty and were considered as potentially dangerous elements in the army. Not paying attention to the suspicions the latter, with the exception of some minor cases, didn't run anti-state political campaign in the army, they tried to develop skill in military affairs and to be exemplary soldiers. This group wasn't numerous and made up only a small percentage of the total amount of Ukrainians. Due to the distribution to different units these people were not dangerous for the army. This way we can state that the usage of the term "alien" by military and political leadership of Poland for indicating people of other nationality than Polish in the army was contingent and it didn't correspond to its direct meaning. Non-polish soldiers were not considered to be hostile elements in the army, but rather "not ours" among "ours". However, according to the archival documents the state government had strong doubts concerning the readiness of representatives from other nationalities to defend the country in case of war actions. ; У результаті закінчення Першої світової війни, невдачі національно-визвольних змагань українців і укладення низки міжнародно-правових угод, більшість західноукраїнських земель були включені до складу Польщі. Українці, згідно з польським законодавством, вважалися громадянами держави і підлягали призову на строкову службу. Перша спроба призвати представників непольської національності на військову службу під час польсько-більшовицької війни з об'єктивних причин зазнала невдачі. Втім, починаючи з 1921 р., на теренах колишньої Російської імперії, що за умовами Ризького договору увійшли до складу Речі Посполитої, а з 1922 р. і в Східній Галичині, керівництво країни почало проводити загальний призов. Як наслідок, у війську різко зросла чисельність українців, які по різному були налаштовані до Польської держави. Ця обставина змушувала військово-політичне керівництво країни враховувати важливість національного чинника у збройних силах.

The article is devoted to the 250th anniversary of the Ukrainian rebellion, known as the «Koliivshchyna». The most significant burst of this uprising took place in the late 60's of the XVIII century. The reason for the dissatisfaction of the people was the merciless exploitation of the Ukrainian peasantry by the Polish invaders. The Polish exploitation was carried out on the basis of social origin, nationality and religious confession. The most significant events connected with the above rebellion took place in Uman and its surroundings in 1768. The fight of the rebels was tough and bloody, obviously this particular feature of the rebellion called «Koliivshchyna» (from the word «koloty» – to thrust). The author of the article notes that for 250 years, separating us from the apogee of the rebellion, the accumulation of primary historical materials had to be completed, on the basis of which historians would have to determine the way of interpretation and to conduct a moral and legal evaluation of the events associated with the uprising. But we must admit that this is not the case. The reasons for this situation are sought by the author in an inadequate application of the Western historians' achievements.The author takes into account the spirit of the uncertainty of positions in the way of treating the events associated with the rebellion in many publications of contemporary media, and this gives the right to conclude that there exists a problem of unity in the way of interpreting the purpose of the uprising and the actions of the rebels. The author sees the reason for this situation in the fact that Ukrainian historical experts in the historical studies of the above mentioned events connected with the «Koliivshchyna» rebellion, do not sufficiently apply the intellectual achievements of the historic school «New Historians», well known in the West (this school is also called the «Annales» school, the founders the schools are Mark Bloch and Lucien Febvre). The researchers also ignore the contemporary critique of the paradigms of Leopold von Ranke «Objectivist School». The achievements of famous Western epistemologists, such as Allan Megill, also fail to achieve optimum effect. The author points out the advantages of the «New Historians» School in constructing the results of historical research, but, on the background of the advantages and achievements of Western historians, the author of the proposed article proves the benefits of studies of Ukrainian historians.The widespread use in Western historical research the works of the New Historians School supporters has had a significant positive impact on the development of the historical science of these countries. The application of the scientific development of the supporters of this school (the school «New Historians» arose in 1929) was the reason for a qualitative step in the process of historical research in the West. In Ukraine, the widespread use in studies related to historical science subjects such as oral history, history of concepts, bottom history, visual history and many other related subjects of great popularity have not yet gained popularity, although some successes can already be seen.In the article the author provides the achievements of Ukrainian historian, professor Vasyl Shevchuk, which he gained during the study of the history of Ukrainian statehood, as an example of the successful development of the latest approaches to the study of Ukrainian history. V. Shevchuk in the early 90's of the twentieth century became the founder of the definition of the statehood characteristics, which become apparent after the first victories of the rebels. According to V. Shevchuk, there are eight such characteristics. The process of acquiring statehood characteristics during the uprising usually occurs in the process of achievement by the rebels the success in the fight against the oppressors. So, the expansion of the tools of the study of the Ukrainian history related to historical subjects, such as that introduced by the school «New Historians», will definitely expand the possibilities for interpreting the events that took place during the uprising in 1768. At the very least, the use of the latest methods of studying the history of Ukraine gives such an opportunity to the researcher.New methods of studying the history of Ukraine, successfully used by the Ukrainian historians, will surely lead to an understanding and tolerant attitude to the fact that the history of Ukraine will not be perceived by Ukrainian in the same way as by a Pole or Russian, or anyone else with a distinct national identity. National systems of traditions, customs, peculiarities of the mentality and many other factors are the obstacle that will never let the Pope and the German or the Pole and Ukrainian perceive the truth of the story with the same emotions. The text of the article proved the existence of a problem of interpretation of the purpose and issues of the «Koliivshchyna» rebellion. The solution to this problem will take place in any case. To do this, you only need to perceive historical events with a sense of mutual respect and avoid single-ended estimates and uncompromising attitude.

Studying the dichotomy of «soul-body» in the protestant teaching showed that those practical conclusions that the reformators put high in their ideology, Descartes cast in the method of the «pure thought» which motes from the universal to the particular by means of the «pure reason» without any influence of the body. It is known, however, that this assumption does not correspond to Descartes' later assertion of the unity of the reason and the body. Though many scientists claim that this opposition cannot be eliminated the recent tendency to solve their complicated relations is rather vivid. It is aimed at non-oppositional considering the dichotomy of «soul-body», disputing the claim that all the modes are lither absolutely mental or absolutely physical ones.It is proved that the protestant ethics was constructed on the ideals of the community; at the initial stage protestants stood for the interests of the majority of people, for the truth for everybody; their ethics had a mass character, that is why the Reformation historically turned out to be more supported by people than humanism, being oriented at the social and political realization. Hence the specific character of subjectivation at that period Asserting the thesis that man is unable to reach salvation by his own capabilities reformators by no means disrupt the link between salvation and morality. The problem lies in the fact that the moral ideal in the protestants teachings was unmeasurably high and not attainable «by definition» – Christ's personality and extreme demands of the new Testament; simultaneously the verge between the freedom of the moral intuition and amoralism appears to be extremely thin. The faith does not secure man against a moral error, lust for the body does not disappear, «the damaged» nature of man does not change. The faith is realigned in «the voice» of the conscience, but listenery to it man inevitably «transcripts» the voice into the language of actions. Thus, proclaiming powerlessness of man, the Reformation proclaims the highest degree of the moral responsibility.The nationality of the modernity having refused the radical binarism of soul and body, enters into the opening «New World» of the anthropocentrism; Descartes claims that ethical norms should be considered in «the light of Reason», thus identifying moral virtues with reasoning. The paradox character of the Reformation teaching is also represented in the fact that its ideology, enhancing intolerance, asserts pluralism. The former position is directly connected with that «postmodern situation» that the western world is living through now. ; На основе историко-философской реконструкции теоретических установок Реформации XVI-XVII вв. в контексте понимания специфики дихотомии духа и тела выявлено, что, стремясь возродить христианство в его первоначальной чистоте, реформаторы, поделив мир на духовный / трансцендентный и телесный / тварный, утверждают превосходство идеального духа как главное вместилище божественного присутствия. Заменяя внешнюю религиозность внутренней, философские положения Реформации также утверждают плюрализм, что, в свою очередь, привело к расколу единого реформационного движения.Опираясь на методологические возможности исследования онтологического дуализма обнаружено, что дихотомии «дух-материя» и «душа-тело» демонстрируют в протестантизме острый конфликт первого и второго членов оппозиции, именно в своей конфронтации представляют принцип субъективизации. И хотя реформаторы меньше всего стремились быть философами, самыми существенными последствиями их новых представлений стали выводы аксиологического и этического порядка, мощно повлиявшие на рецепцию в философии и культуре XVI-XVII вв. принципов «логики доминирования» в ценностно-иерархическом мышлении эпохи Реформации. ; Вивчення теми «духу і тіла» в протестантизмі показало, що ті «практичні» висновки, які Реформатори звели в ранг своєї ідеології, у філософії Р. Декарта вилилися в метод «чистої думки», що рухається від універсалій до частковостей за допомогою «чистого розуму» без будь-якого впливу тіла. Проте, як відомо, це допущення не узгоджується із його пізнішим затвердженням союзу розуму й тіла в «Пристрастях душі». І хоча багато учених вважають, що ця бінарна опозиція не може бути елімінована, останніми роками виявляється тенденція до певного вирішення складних відносин між картезіанським дуалізмом і неопозиційним розглядом душі й тіла, кидаючи виклик твердженню, що всі модуси є або абсолютно ментальними, або абсолютно фізичними.У статті доводиться, що протестантизм стає провідною духовною течією свого часу, передусім, через свої ідеологічні установки: протестантська етика початкового етапу будувалася на ідеалах общинності, протестанти стояли за інтереси багатьох, за «правду для всіх», що, у свою чергу, відображало інтереси «третього стану» – бюргерства, яке представляє в той період свої інтереси як інтереси всіх членів суспільства. Виражаючи сподівання висхідної буржуазії, реформатори парадоксальним чином сполучають середньовічне світовідчуття із репрезентацією ідеології, що в класичній історіографії розглядається як прогресивна сила. Парадоксальність філософських положень Реформації полягає також у тому, що її ідеологія, підсилюючи нетерпимість, одночасно затверджує плюралізм. Останнє, наприклад, пов'язано з ситуацією постмодерну, яку переживає західний світ у наш час.

Abstract:The definition of the Spanish State of Autonomies has been changed over the past decades. While the State of Autonomies has been classified in its beginnings as a regional state, in recent years the model developed features similar to a federal country. Notwithstanding, one of the characteristics that has been frequently underlined as a distinguishing feature of the State of Autonomies is the principle of emulation. Following this principle, the trend to equalize the different territories, in addition to the potential of the «principio dispositivo», according to which all powers that have not been reserved to the central government could be assumed by the Autonomous Communities, would lead to a model of territorial organization characterized by homogeneity. In this text we will demonstrate that, on the contrary, the Constitution and the evolution of the State of Autonomies show that the distinctive feature of the State of Autonomies has been asymmetry. In this context, we understand asymmetry as the desire for a constitutionally guaranteed distinction of some territories and the reactions this constitutional asymmetry had over time. Although during a certain period the strength of the emulation principle lead to apartially symmetrical state, the successive evolution of the State of Autonomiesdemonstrated the deep roots of asymmetry as the ideological principle of the model. The fact that this feature has been underestimated can be considered as one of the reasons for the failure of the State of Autonomies as an integration project. ; Resumen:La categorización del Estado autonómico se ha desenvuelto desde su adscripciónal Estado regional en sus inicios, a su consideración como uno de los rostros del federalismo en los últimos años. En cualquier caso, una de las características que ha sido subrayada reiteradamente como nota distintiva del mismo, es el principio de emulación. De acuerdo con el cual, la voluntad de igualación de los distintos territorios más el potencial técnico del principio dispositivo, daría como resultado un modelo de organización territorial caracterizado por la homogeneidad. En estas páginas se pretende demostrar que, por el contrario, la Constitución y la evolución del Estado autonómico demuestran que la verdadera nota distintiva del mismo es la asimetría. La asimetría entendida como la voluntad de singularización constitucional de algunos territorios y por la respuesta que esa voluntad ha tenido a lo largo del tiempo. Si bien hubo un tiempo en el que la fuerza del principio de emulación dio como resultado un Estado parcialmente simétrico, la posterior evolución demostró las profundas raíces de la asimetría como principio ideológico del modelo. Haber obviado esta dimensión del Estado autonómico se encuentra entre las razones de su fracaso como proyecto de integración.Abstract:The definition of the Spanish State of Autonomies has been changed over the past decades. While the State of Autonomies has been classified in its beginnings as a regional state, in recent years the model developed features similar to a federal country. Notwithstanding, one of the characteristics that has been frequently underlined as a distinguishing feature of the State of Autonomies is the principle of emulation. Following this principle, the trend to equalize the different territories, in addition to the potential of the «principio dispositivo», according to which all powers that have not been reserved to the central government could be assumed by the Autonomous Communities, would lead to a model of territorial organization characterized by homogeneity. In this text we will demonstrate that, on the contrary, the Constitution and the evolution of the State of Autonomies show that the distinctive feature of the State of Autonomies has been asymmetry. In this context, we understand asymmetry as the desire for a constitutionally guaranteed distinction of some territories and the reactions this constitutional asymmetry had over time. Although during a certain period the strength of the emulation principle lead to apartially symmetrical state, the successive evolution of the State of Autonomiesdemonstrated the deep roots of asymmetry as the ideological principle of the model. The fact that this feature has been underestimated can be considered as one of the reasons for the failure of the State of Autonomies as an integration project. Summary1. The debate on symmetry as the defining element of the State of Autonomies. 2. The constitutional basis of the debate. a. Political asymmetries. b. Recognised differences (hechos diferenciales). 3. Frustration, rebellion and emulation. 4. Nationality is everything and the need to go back to the origins. a. The Barcelona Declaration and its reflections on the Statute. b. The statutes of autonomy of the second-generation and the appearance of emulation. 5. A balance of what the future looks like

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to consider the history and dark tourism attractions associated with a case study of the Thai-Burma Railway in the city of Kanchanaburi, Thailand. The paper considers how history has been abridged and distorted at a number of attraction sites in order to exploit the dark tourism commercial potential. The role of filmmedia is considered as a critical element of the site narrative and the reality of the tragic past of this place is discussed within the context of Thailand's role in the Second World War. Kanchanaburi, through the urban attractions that constitute the primary motivations for visitation, distorts and exploits its dark history for commercial and ideological purposes. Where accurate the Second World War interpretation was identified, it was maintained by balancing the requirements of national governments and institutions with acceptable levels of ambiguity and non-controversial perspectives on this urban location's dark past. Design/methodology/approach - The paper draws on literature, historical documents and tourism publications related to the Second World War and the incarceration and forced labour associated with the Thai-Burma Railway and the city of Kanchanaburi. Fieldwork incorporating tourist attraction and commemorative site visitation was undertaken in Northern Thailand in January 2017. Curators, managers, operators and tourist authorities were contacted in advance of the fieldwork by e-mail to request interviews. The sites identified were the primary sites visited by tourists, and no related Second World War site in the area was excluded. For those interviewed in relation to the subject area, a standard questionnaire based on a rolling database, relevant to particular sites was utilised. Interviews were taped and transcribed. Findings - The city of Kanchanaburi is defined by a heritage that has changed over time. Many factors imbue the meanings and content of place. This is a function of a plethora of competing Influences and agendas; political, economic, cultural, demographic and historical. Yet, this destination is defined by the dark history of the Second World War which is associated with this place. The visitor attraction sites considered in Kanchanaburi provide multiple narratives around the Second World War events. They offer a range of content driven by influences as diverse as simple commercial gain to the complex interaction of political, economic and ideological agendas (of. Gegner, 2012). In each case, the interpretation is used to articulate heritage through objects, artefacts, audio recording, place or imagery. These elements exist in environment(s) of their creation; the Second World War heritage of Kanchanaburi is developed in a nation that has only a partial and selective acceptance of its role in this conflict. The visitor attractions examined in this research and their content have all re-constructed and re-represented the past. Historical memorialization remains embedded in interests that are global, commercial, ideological but rarely neutral. The interpretation of the Thai-Burma Railway and the narrative of the many victims is associated with the construction merit respect, commemoration and consideration that is value free and not distorted by ideology or commercial imperatives. Practical implications - This paper provides a foundation for further consideration of how such contested dark heritage is viewed not least by visitors and users. Development of research in this area would provide a valuable source of data on: consumer profiles, motivations and orientation. Relating this data to nationality and origin would provide useful comparative data to that offered by operators and managers of key attractions. Furthermore, the prevalence of social and digital media as primary tourist information source could be measured against the continued (and possibly declining) importance of the filmic narrative. Furthermore, deeper evaluation of nature and content of interpretation is merited, given the range of approaches and content observed. At a political and policy level, the treatment of this part of Thai history and the degree of sensitivity around interpretation is linked to how a nation confronts its difficult past. More thorough evaluation of treatment in national media and education curriculum also merits review. Urban heritage is an important element of urban destination marketing and evaluation based around core themes of transparency, openness, respect for the past, and sensitive treatment of tragic events offer direction for application and evaluation in other urban contexts. Originality/value - This is the first time the heritage of this city has been considered in the context of dark tourism and the role of Thailand in the Second World War. It incorporates an analysis of all of the relevant attractions in the city and provides through the fieldwork conducted an original contribution to the tourism literature in this field. It draws on historical record, original documentation, interview analysis and tourism data. It provides further evidence of the dark tourism phenomena in a South East Asian context linked to a conflicted and selective appraisal of the past.

У статті аналізуються уявлення видатного українського культурного та суспільного діяча Мелетія Смотрицького про державу, народ та відносини між церковною й світською владою. Розглянуто вплив політичної та культурної ситуації кінця XVI – початку XVII ст. На становлення державницької концепції вченого з'ясовано основний зміст та структуру цієї концепції. Встановлено, що на формування поглядів М. Смотрицького на ідеальну державу значно вплинули філософія античності та Ренесансу, Київської Русі. Виявлено новатоський характер уявлень вченого про державу й народ, визначений філософською традицією бароко. Суть запропонованих М. Смотрицьким новацій полягала в тому, що він першим серед вітчизняних філософів почав застосовувати поняття природного права та суспільного договору та визначати поняття народу як етнічної спільноти, без урахування суспільного стану та релігійної конфесії. Проаналізовано точку зору М. Смотрицького на відносини між світською та церковною владою і відзначено близькість його поглядів до теорій науковців Києво-Могилянської академії. Запропоновано висновок про вагомий вплив ідейМ. Смотрицького про державу на формування ранньомодерної української нації з огляду на його впливовість як науковця та церковного діяча. ; Article is devoted to the analysis of ideas on the state, the nation and the relations between the church and secular power by Melety Smotrytskiy, outstanding Ukrainian cultural and public figure. The content of these notions, their structure, common and distinctive features between views of M. Smotrytskiy and his contemporaries have been investigated, and also influence of these views on the formation of the early Ukrainian nation has been considered. It has been established that sources of political and legal views of the outstanding scientist root to antique philosophy, to the Renaissance idea of the perfect state and the citizen, and traditions of philosophy of Kievan Rus'. The originality of these views stipulated their role in the philosophy of Ukrainian baroque and national culture. It has been found out that M. Smotrytskiy was the first among domestic cultural and political agents, who started applying the concept of the natural right and the public contract as the best way of the state's organization. it is important to mention that M. Smotritsky in his views on the state believed in the necessity of the individual freedom of the citizen being the pledge of citizen's active participation in the state life. The structure of ideas of the outstanding scientist on the state life has been investigated and it has been established that in the system of these views, ideas on the essence of nationality, the right and a duty of the citizen, the ideal governor, relationship between the state and church were accurately studied. The important place in this system is occupied by the concept of the political nation of the state - Russian people. The innovation of M. Smotrytskiy is that he was the first among domestic philosophers who had formulated the concept of the nation as an ethnic community without public and religious faith. These ideas made essential impact on the formation of early Ukrainian nation. It has been found out that in his views on the state M. Smotrytskiy adhered enough the democratic belief without rejecting the right of citizens to counteract to the owner. It allocated a role of the political nation, first of all, for the aristocracy and clergy, without recognizing the right of Cossacks to solve public affairs. Being the representative of the church, M. Smotrytskiy formulated his ideas mainly with the use of the Orthodox rhetoric and symbolic, thus his idea of a symbol of the ideal state evolved gradually to the symbolical concept of Trinity as unity in variety. It has been established that the outstanding scientist solved a question of relationship between the secular and church power in favor of the power of the church. His views on this question are close to views of scientists of Kiyevo-Mogilyansky academy. It has been defined that in views of M. Smotrytskiy there are germs of future civilization theory of F.Prokopovich and elements of philosophy of the European Education. ; В статье анализируются представления выдающегося украинского культурного и общественного деятеля Мелетия Смотрицкого о государстве, народе и отношениях между церковной и светской властью. Рассмотрено влияние политической и культурной ситуации конца XVI - начала XVII в. на становление государственной концепции ученого, выяснено основное содержание и структуру этой концепции. Установлено, что на формирование взглядовМ. Смотрицкого об идеальном государстве значительно повлияли философия античности и Ренессанса, Киевской Руси. Выявлено новаторский характер представлений ученого о государстве и народе, определенной философской традиции барокко. Суть предложенных М. Смотрицким новаций заключалась в том, что он первым среди отечественных философов начал применять понятие естественного права и общественного договора и определять понятие народа как этнической общности, без учета социального статуса и религиозной конфессии. Проанализирована точка зренияМ. Смотрицкого на отношения между светской и церковной властью и отмечено близость его взглядов к теориям ученых Киево-Могилянской академии. Предложен вывод о существенном влиянии идей М. Смотрицкого о государстве на формирование раннемодерной украинской нации учитывая его влиятельность как ученого и церковного деятеля.

In the article the social and local relations of Ukraine are analysed in composition Lithuania and Poland in the XIV – the first half of the XVI centuries. This period characterized a cultural revival, distribution of humanism ideas of the Reformation, social and national revolutions. In the XIII – the first half of the XIV centuries, successor state of on its south-western lands was Galicia-Volhynia. It is traced, that at the same time becoming of basic lines of colloquial Ukrainian was with forming of Ukrainian nationality and continued cultural development of Ukrainian nationality.Lithuanian tribes have been the north-western neighbors of the Eastern Slavs for a long time. In the "Tale of Bygone Years" are mentioned their own political organization, and paying the tribute to Kyiv. "Lithuania from the swaps doesn't show itself for anybody" – the author of "Word of the death of Russian land" pointed out in the middle of the thirteenth century. However, it evolved into the early feudal state, the Duchy of Lithuania.After the addition of the most part of the modern Ukrainian, Belarusian and Russian lands Lithuania became a great feudal state. The Lithuanians called it the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Russ and Zhemaytiyske. Russian land amounted to 9/10 of the total area of the principality, and had a great impact on the socio-political and cultural life of Lithuania. Russian language became the official one; many rules from "Russian Truth", the local name of social conditions, government offices were taken by Lithuanians. The administrative divisions being characteristic of Kievan Rus, was restored. The territory was divided into separate principalities which have the autonomous status.During the second half of the XIV – the beginning of the XV centuries the partial assimilation of the Lithuanians in the powerful Slavic array was held. The following facts testify about the assimilation of the Lithuanian rulers. They are many marital relationships of the local and Lithuanian nobles, the expansion of the Russian Orthodoxy influence in the territories of the Lithuanian state, the establishment of "Russian Truth" as a state legal basis; recognition of the Ruthenian language as an official language; borrowing Russian military experience of building forts and setting the tax system, formation of the princely administration structure. The local name of social conditions, government offices were taken by Lithuanians. The administrative divisions being characteristic of Kievan Rus, was restored. The territory was divided into separate principalities which have the autonomous status. It encouraged the Ukrainian elites to support the Lithuanians, and the lower classes not to resist against the domination of Lithuania. These facts proved Hrushevsky's theory. He argued that the Grand Duchy of Lithuania kept the tradition of Kievan Rus better than Moskow state did it. The modern authors call Lithuanian penetration of the Ukrainian land "velvet". Joining the western Russian lands, Lithuania took over their higher culture and experience of political organization. It led to the convergence of Lithuanian and Ruthenian nobility, "slavification", "Russification" of Lithuanian princes, who married with the ruthenian princesses and lord, moved into the Orthodox faith, took the local language, way of life and customs.After 1569 Ukrainian lands were divided into seven provinces: Rus (Galicia), Belz, Volyn, Bratslav, Kiev, Podolsk and Chernihiv (formed in 1635 after the "true Polish" Chernihiv and Siverschyna were taken from Moscow). The Lithuanian law (Statutes 1566 and 1588) was on these territories (except Galicia). The large cities were guided by the provisions of the Magdeburg Law. However, despite of these factors, the Polish lords extended their power on the most part of Ukraine [1].The Orthodox Church became illegal. The Uniate cathedral decision didn't meet either the interests or sentiments of the majority of the Ukrainian population who thought that the Orthodoxy church was a symbol of the national liberation struggle. The Catholic Church was seen as an instrument of foreign oppression. So the natural consequence of the Brest Union was the religious schism in Ukraine. Thus, the inclusion of Ukrainian lands to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth laid the ground for the future conflict in society and brought a rapid increasing of the Ukrainian people exploitation, national and religious discrimination and catholization. ; В статье анализируются социальные и правовые отношения Украины в составе Литвы и Польши в XIV – первой половине XVI вв. – периода, который характеризуется культурным возрождением, распространением идей Реформации и гуманизма, социальными и национальными революциями. Прослежено, как проходило становление основных черт украинской разговорной речи и продолжалось культурное развитие украинской народности. ; У статті аналізуються соціальні та правові відносини України у складі Литви і Польщі у XIV – першій половині XVI ст. – періоду, що характеризується культурним відродженням, поширенням ідей Реформації та гуманізму, соціальними та національними революціями. Простежено, як відбувалося становлення основних рис української розмовної мови та продовжувався культурний розвиток української народності.

SUMMARY The objective of this Master's Thesis is to analyze and compare Lithuania, Norway, Netherlands and The Great Britain Constitutional human rights and legal provisions wich ensure the rights and freedoms of sexual minorities. With regard to the comparative analysis of the present findings, disclosed the sexual minority rights in Lithuania. The Thesis consists of an introduction followed by two chapters and conclusions. The first chapter deals with the conceptions of sexual minorities and homosexual orientation. Also analyzed the Lithuanian Constitutional human rights and legal provisions wich provide the right to protection, equality, freedom of expression and privacy of sexual minorities. The second section consist legal acts analysis wich regulate sexual minorities rights in Norway, Netherlands and Great Britain. Specifying Constitutional rights and statutory provisions which are providing legal rights to protection, equality, freedom of expression and privacy of sexual minorities. Analyze and compare Lithuania, Norway, Netherlands and Great Britain Constitutional human rights and legal provisions wich ensure the rights and freedoms of sexual minorities. Sexual minorities are groups of people whose sexual orientation, gender identity or sexual characteristics are different from the presumed majority of the population, which are male or female heterosexuals. The term referred primarily to lesbians and gays, bisexuals and transgender people. These four categories are often grouped together and called as LGBT persons. Regarding of society formed stereotypes, these individuals are often faced with the legal and social exclusion. Opposition receives both authorization and prohibition to marry, adopt or publicly promote their way of life. Therefore, sexual minority rights and freedoms is one of the most debated topics in Lithuania and in the world. Article 21 of Lithuania Constitution provides that, the human person is inviolable. Human dignity shall be protected by law. It shall be prohibited to torture, injure, degrade, or maltreat, and to impose such penalties. Article 169 of the Criminal Code prohibit direct discrimination on grounds of sex, sexual orientation, race, nationality, beliefs or other attitudes. Prohibition of sale, produce, acquire to send, carry, keep the things that incite or promote hatred violence and discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, and other cases are provided in the Criminal Code article 170. Article 29 of Lithuania Constitution lay down non-discrimination principle of all persons, other existing legislations guarantees equal rights to all people regardless of gender, sexual orientation, race or ethnic origin, disability, age, religion or belief. Article 2 paragraph 4 of Labour Code provides equality of employment law subjects, regardless of gender, sexual orientation and other circumstances. Article 2 of this act requires the employer to implement equal opportunities at work and in public service. Labour Safety and Health Act guarantees employed safe and healthy working conditions, regardless of the employee's sexual orientation. This act prohibit direct or indirect discrimination on grounds of age, sexual orientation, disability, race or ethnic origin, religion or belief. Article 25 of Lithuania Constitution provides that everyone has the right to hold opinions and to express them freely. Article 36 of Constitution lay, that unarmed citizens have the right in peaceful assembly. These two Constitutional provisions guaranties human right to expression. Country's Criminal Code, the Labour Code, the Occupational Safety and Health Act, the Equal Opportunity Act establishes the prohibition of discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation, but comparing to the rest of the world Lithuania valid legal regulation does not ensure sexual minority rights and freedoms. In Norway, the Netherlands and Great Britain gender identity is stored value of the law and same-sex marriage are legal by the law. These countries have established legal regulation laying down the conditions and gender reassignment procedures. In Netherlands and Great Britain the same sex can form a partnership. There is no statutory regulations, which set the conditions for gender reassignment procedures in Lithuania. Article 2.27 of Lithuanian Civil Code provides that \"an unmarried adult has the right to medically change their sex, if it is medically possible. Sex changing conditions laid down by law". To implement these provisions was prepared draft law regulating the treatment of transsexualism, but due to conflicting public assessment, this law has not been adopted. For this reason in country does not exist discriminatory crimes of sexual identity basis. The country does not allow same-sex marriage or partnership formation. Article 38 of Lithuania Constitution establishes that "marriage are formed in agreement between a man and a woman ''. According to this provision, the same-sex marriage are not available in the Country. Lithuania legal acts unlike in Norway, Netherlands and Great Britain does not include gender identity concept. In Lithuania transsexual person (a person who has a gender identity confusion) rights and freedoms are not guaranteed, because none of the above provisions of the law does not include gender identity grounds. For this reason, information about hate crimes, sexual identity simply does not exist.

У представленій статті окреслено основну мету процесів «реміфологізації» та «відродження міфа» – це формування бажаної для влади громадської думки і маніпулювання масовою свідомістю. Громадська думка, за переконанням частини вчених, є однією з форм масової свідомості. При цьому формування першої відбувається стихійно і цілеспрямовано. У другому варіанті на масову свідомість впливають соціальні інститути, серед яких особливо ефективним є масова комунікація. У сучасній культурі саме засоби комунікації перетворилися на потужний інструмент консолідації суспільства, який залучає численні прийоми маніпуляції суспільною і масовою свідомістю. Серед дієвих маніпулятивних методів автор виділяє такі: спеціальний метод транслювання (дроблення) і негайну подачу інформації, висвітлення подій під певним кутом, спотворення або підміна фактів, мозаїчність сюжетів при подачі телевізійних новин. Коротко подано типологію пропаганди, структуру пропагандистського повідомлення, його значення. Продемонстровано класичну конструкцію пропагандистського повідомлення, яка щоденно використовується російськими засобами комунікації. Під час аналізу подання інформації російськими ЗМІ, виділено функціонування наступних різновидів міфа: історичний (про винятковість російського народу), географічний (про Крим як одвічно «руську» землю, про Новоросію), національний (про необхідність захисту російськомовного населення в Україні, про росіян як «старшого брата» українців), політичний (про київську хунту, «злих бандерівців», каральні батальйони, ультрарадикалів із «Правого сектора»). ; У представленій статті окреслено основну мету процесів «реміфологізації» та «відродження міфа» – це формування бажаної для влади громадської думки і маніпулювання масовою свідомістю. Громадська думка, за переконанням частини вчених, є однією з форм масової свідомості. При цьому формування першої відбувається стихійно і цілеспрямовано. У другому варіанті на масову свідомість впливають соціальні інститути, серед яких особливо ефективним є масова комунікація. У сучасній культурі саме засоби комунікації перетворилися на потужний інструмент консолідації суспільства, який залучає численні прийоми маніпуляції суспільною і масовою свідомістю. Серед дієвих маніпулятивних методів автор виділяє такі: спеціальний метод транслювання (дроблення) і негайну подачу інформації, висвітлення подій під певним кутом, спотворення або підміна фактів, мозаїчність сюжетів при подачі телевізійних новин. Коротко подано типологію пропаганди, структуру пропагандистського повідомлення, його значення. Продемонстровано класичну конструкцію пропагандистського повідомлення, яка щоденно використовується російськими засобами комунікації. Під час аналізу подання інформації російськими ЗМІ, виділено функціонування наступних різновидів міфа: історичний (про винятковість російського народу), географічний (про Крим як одвічно «руську» землю, про Новоросію), національний (про необхідність захисту російськомовного населення в Україні, про росіян як «старшого брата» українців), політичний (про київську хунту, «злих бандерівців», каральні батальйони, ультрарадикалів із «Правого сектора»). ; The article accentuates key aim of re­mythologization and myth recreation. It's forming of public opinion desired for the authorities, and manipulation of mass consciousness. As a part of scientists considers public opinion is one of the forms of mass consciousness. Usually its forming is spontaneous and purposeful. In the second case mass consciousness is being influenced by social institutes among which mass communication is one of the most effective. In a modern culture means of mass communication turned to the powerful instrument of consolidation of the society which includes countless methods of manipulating of public and mass consciousness. The author points to the following manipulating techniques methods among the most effective ones: special method of translation (separation) and immediate information, showing events from a certain point of view, twisting or change of the facts, mosaic like stories shown in the TV news. The author briefly introduces types of propaganda, the structure of agitational message and its meaning. The author presents classic construction of propagandist message used by the Russian mass media. During the analysis of the information shown in the Russian mass media the author distinguished the following types of myths: historical (about special position and mission of the Russian people), geographic (Crimea as historically Russian land, and myth about the New Russia), national (about the necessity to protect Russian speaking population in Ukraine, and special role of Russia as the elder brother of Ukraine), political (about Kiev junta, «evil Bandera supporters», punishing battalions, and ultra radicals from the right­wing party «Pravy Sector»). In the absence of a well-defined state ideology, social and political myth-making became a leading and often inseparable feature of the existence of Ukrainian society. Particularly acute lack of ideology we have felt recently, after the Revolution of Dignity. The external threat contributes to the unification of Ukrainians, regardless of confessional, nationality, language and place of residence. On the background of the current extremely difficult situation in our country, the themes of myth, mythology and propaganda have gained new sound. And these problems are discussed not only by narrow specialists and scientists, but also in wide public circles. In this context, one can not ignore the information warfare, which was solved by the Russian Federation and the propaganda activities of Russian mass media directed against the Ukrainian people.

The main objective of this article is to stress and to prove that the Latgalian national identity is the only national identity for a lot of citizens of Latvia and it is not the second or the additional identity that may be attributed only to secret service men inter alia.My personal studies of official sources, literature and correspondence with officials of state institutions, etc. are at the basis of this article.National identity is the person's identity and sense of belonging to one state or to one nation, a feeling one shares with a group of people, regardless of one's status of citizenship.National identity is not inborn trait; various studies have shown that a person's national identity is a direct result of the presence of elements from the "common points" in people's daily lives: national symbols, language, national colours, the nation's history, national consciousness, culture, music, cuisine, radio, television, etc.There are cases where national identity collides with a person's civil identity. For example, many Israeli Arabs associate themselves or are associated with the Arab or Palestinian nationality, while at the same time they are citizens of the state of Israel, which is in conflict with the Palestinians and with many Arab countries.There are also cases in which the national identity of a particular group is oppressed by the government in the country where the group lives. A notable example was in Spain under the authoritarian dictatorship of Francisco Franco (1939–1947) who abolished the official statute and recognition for the Basque, Galician, and Catalan languages for the first time in the history of Spain and returned to Spanish (Castillian) as the only official language of the State and education, although millions of citizens of Spain spoke other languages.During the first independence period of Latvia in the thirties, the schools of Latgale used Latgalian as the language of instruction during the first four years, Latgalian language was taught as a subject starting with the third year twice a week. After the coup d'état on May 15, 1934 the Latgalian textbooks were withdrawn from use and even burnt.There is enough evidence to prove that the Latvian nationalist elite was very unwilling to accept the spread of Latgalian both during the first period of independence and the multinational Soviet rule. The positive expression of one's national identity is patriotism, and the negative is chauvinism.Latgalians are an autochthonous people living mostly in the eastern part of the contemporary Latvia. As regards Latgalian (it has been named in different ways – language, dialect, subdialect, foreign language, but it does not change the essence of the phenomenon) various resolutions, decrees etc. have been passed and adopted.Participants of the 2nd Conference on Latgalistics (Rezekne, October 17, 2009) adopted the resolution "On the Status of a Regional Language to Be Attributable to the Latgalian Language".In accordance with the new Official Language Law enacted on September 1, 2000 the official language in Latvia is the Latvian language. Section 3 Paragraph 4 of the Law prescribes: "The State shall ensure the maintenance, protection and development of the Latgalian written language as a historic variant of the Latvian language." However, it is a very formal statement. Strange as it may sound but the Senate of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Latvia has adopted a decision (August 18, 2009, Case No. A42571907 SKA-596/2009): "The Senate concludes that in the first sentence of Article 4 of the Satversme (the Constitution – J. C.) of the Republic of Latvia the concept "The Latvian language" means the Latvian literary language. It is the official language for the purpose of Section 110 of the Administrative Procedure Law. From the conclusion that for the purpose of Section 110 Paragraph I of the Administrative Procedure Law the official language is the Latvian literary language it follows that other subdialects or languages for the purpose of Section 110 Paragraph II of the Administrative Procedure Law are foreign languages and a document drafted in the Latgalian literary language is to be acknowledged as a document drafted in a foreign language. This decision is not to be appealed against."It took the Latgalian enthusiasts (I am one of them) seven years (2003–2010) to get the individual code for the Latgalian language. ISO 639/Joint Advisory Committee (Library of Congress, Washington) has finally attributed the code, namely, LTG.Hopefully the Latgalian identity will not be swept away and this only identity for a lot of citizens of Latvia will be fought for and preserved also in the shadow of the so-called majority.

CONTENTS I. PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONSJurga Cibulskienė (Lithuania). Are Ideologies Reflected in Metaphors?.11Lara N. Sinelnikova (Russia). The Addresser as an Alter Ego of the Addressee.26 II. FACTS AND REFLECTIONSOleg N. Grinbaum (Russia). Chapter 3 in Pushkin's Novel Eugene Onegin: Rhythm and Sense in Tatiana Larina's Letter . 43Jadvyga Krūminienė (Lithuania). Oscar Milosz as Translator: Playing Games with Memory. 55Magdalena Ożarska (Poland). 19th-Century Lake District as a Land of Tourists, Homemakers and Writers: a Selection of Writings by Dorothy Wordsworth, William Wordsworth and Harriet Martineau. 67Inga Bartkuvienė (Lithuania). Definitions of Nationality in the Theory of Homi K. Bhabha.79Mindaugas Grigaitis (Lithuania). Deconstruction of Jaques Derrida: Theoretical Postulates and Possibilities of Practice. 94Janusz Detka (Poland). Eastern Episode in Polish Poetry of 1955–1957. 106Kristina Bačiulienė (Lithuania). The Worldview of Marcelijus Martinaitis' Collection of Poems K. B. Suspect. 120Yelena A. Nakhimova (Russia). Metaphorical Projection and Conceptual Integration in Political Communication. 130Anna Biyumena (Belarus). Verbs of Period and Existence in Political Discourse. 139Anna V. Vladimirova, Tatyana G. Skrebtsova (Russia). Discourse Strategies in Women and Men's Glossies as a Reflection of Gender-Specific Behaviour. 148Joanna Bryła (Poland). Phraseological Units in Fashion Advertisements.159Michael Louis Bakalinsky (Ukraine). New Theory and Methodology of Social Dialect Studies: US Underworld Social Dialect as a Case in Point. 170Tatiana V. Poplavskaia, Tatiana I. Svistun (Belarus). The Interrelation between Types and Functions Abbreviations Perform in the Internet-Discourse. 186Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė (Lithuania). Review of Research Methods on Language E-Learning Interactions .195Bernd Gliwa (Latvia), Daiva Šeškauskaitė (Lithuania). What Does Dievmedis (God's Tree) Have in Common with God(s)?.205 III. OPINIONOlga Jagintseva (Estonia). The Ethnolinguistic and Etymological Aspects of the Noun Glyok 'an Earthenware Jug' . 219 IV. OUR TRANSLATIONSPatrick Seriot (Switzerland). Oxymoran or Misundersanding. Anna Wierzbicka's Universal Relativism of Natural Semantic Metalanguage. Part II. Translated by Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė. 227 V. SCIENTIFIC LIFE CHRONICLEBooks reviewsSaulius Lapinskas (Lithuania). MELNIKIENĖ, Danguolė, 2009. Dvikalbiai žodynai Lietuvoje: megastruktūros, makrostruktūros ir mikrostrutūros ypatumai. 233Eleonora Lassan (Lithuania). ЛАРИНА, Татьяна, 2009. Категория вежливости и стиль коммуникации. Сопоставление английских и русских лингвокультурных традиций. 237Galina Michailova (Lithuania). ЧЕРНЫХ, В. А., 2008. Летопись жизни и творчества Анны Ахматовой. 1889–1966. 241Barbarа Greszczuk (Poland). LUCIŃSKI, Kazimierz, 2009. Языковые заимствования и ментальность. 247 Announce . 249 VI. REQUIREMENTS FOR PUBLICATION. 250 VII. OUR AUTHORS. 258 ; TURINYS / SPIS TREŚCI I. PROBLEMOS IR SPRENDIMAI / PROBLEMY I ICH ROZWIĄZANIAJurga Cibulskienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Are Ideologies Reflected in Metaphors?.11Лара Н. Синельникова (Rusija / Rosja). Адресант как alter ego адресата.26 II. FAKTAI IR APMĄSTYMAI / FAKTY I ROZWAŻANIAОлег Н. Гринбаум (Rusija / Rosja). Третья глава романа А. С. Пушкина «Евгений Онегин»: письмо Татьяны Лариной в ритмико-смысловом освещении.43Jadvyga Krūminienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Oscar Milosz as Translator: Playing Games with Memory. 55Magdalena Ożarska (Lenkija / Polska). 19th-Century Lake District as a Land of Tourists, Homemakers and Writers: a Selection of Writings by Dorothy Wordsworth, William Wordsworth and Harriet Martineau. 67Inga Bartkuvienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Tautiškumo metmenys Homi K. Bhabha'os teorijoje. 79Mindaugas Grigaitis (Lietuva / Litwa). Jacques'o Derrida dekonstrukcija: teoriniai postulatai ir taikymo galimybės. 94Janusz Detka (Lenkija / Polska). Epizod "wschodni" w polskiej poezji lat 1955–1957 . 106Kristina Bačiulienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Marcelijaus Martinaičio eilėraščių rinkinio "K. B. įtariamas" pasaulėvaizdis. 120Елена А. Нахимова (Rusija / Rosja). Метафорическая проекция и концептуальная интеграция в политической коммуникации. 130Anna Biyumena (Baltarusija / Białoruś). Verbs of Period and Existence in Political Discourse. 139Анна В. Владимирова, Татьяна Г. Скребцова (Rusija / Rosja). Коммуникативные стратегии в дискурсе женских и мужских глянцевых журналов как отражение гендерной специфики поведения. 148Joanna Bryła (Lenkija / Polska). Związki frazeologiczne funkcjonujące w prasowych komunikatach dotyczących mody. 159Michael Louis Bakalinsky (Ukraina / Ukraina). New Theory and Methodology of Social Dialect Studies: US Underworld Social Dialect as a Case in Point. 170Tatiana V. Poplavskaia, Tatiana I. Svistun (Baltarusija / Białoruś). The Interrelation between Types and Functions Abbreviations Perform in the Internet-Discourse. 186Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Elektroninio kalbų mokymo interakcijos sąvoka: mokslo tiriamųjų darbų apžvalga. 195Bernd Gliwa (Latvija / Łotwa), Daiva Šeškauskaitė (Lietuva / Litwa). Kas bendra tarp dievmedis ir dievas, dievai?. 205 III. NUOMONĖ / OPINIE I POGLĄDYОльга Ягинцева (Estija / Estonia). Сущ. глек 'глиняный горшок' в этнолингвистическом и этимологическом аспектах. 219 IV. MŪSŲ VERTIMAI / NASZE PRZEKŁADYPatrick Seriot (Šveicarija / Szwajcaria). Oksimoronas ar nesusipratimas? Annos Wierzbickos universaliosios natūraliosios semantinės metakalbos universalusis reliatyvizmas. II dalis. Vertė / Tłum. Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė. 227 V. MOKSLINIO GYVENIMO KRONIKA / KRONIKA ŻYCIA NAUKOWEGOKnygų recenzijos / Recenzje książekSaulius Lapinskas (Lietuva / Litwa). MELNIKIENĖ, Danguolė, 2009. Dvikalbiai žodynai Lietuvoje: megastruktūros, makrostruktūros ir mikrostrutūros ypatumai. 233Элеонора Лассан (Lietuva / Litwa). ЛАРИНА, Татьяна, 2009. Категория вежливости и стиль коммуникации. Сопоставление английских и русских лингвокультурных традиций. 237Галина Михайлова (Lietuva / Litwa). ЧЕРНЫХ, В. А., 2008. Летопись жизни и творчества Анны Ахматовой. 1889–1966. 241Barbarа Greszczuk (Lenkija / Polska). LUCIŃSKI, Kazimierz, 2009. Языковые заимствования и ментальность. 247 Anonsai / Zapowiedzi.249 VI. REIKALAVIMAI STRAIPSNIAMS / ZASADY OPRACOWYWANIA PUBLIKACJI. 250VII. MŪSŲ AUTORIAI / NASI AUTORZY. 258

Maģistra darba "Ziemeļaustrumu Vidzemes reģionālā identitāte Latvijas – Igaunijas pierobežā" aktualitāte saistās ar mūsdienu globalizācijas procesiem. Mainoties ekonomiskajām un sabiedriskajām attiecībām pasaulē, paplašinoties Eiropas Savienībai, mazinoties valstiskuma (nacionālisma) nozīmei un robežu funkciju maiņai, aktualizējas jautājumi par reģioniem un reģionālo identitāti. Latvijā notiekošā administratīvi teritoriālā reforma ietekmē iedzīvotāju piederības izjūtu vietai. Maģistra darbs ir unikāls pētījums kultūrģeogrāfijā. Darbā aplūkotais Ziemeļaustrumu (ZA) Vidzemes reģions ir uztveres reģions, kurš definēts un kartēts, pamatojoties uz etnogrāfiskiem, valodniecības, etniskiem, reliģiskiem, literāriem un uztveres kritērijiem. Šāda veida pētījums ir nozīmīgs solis kultūrģeogrāfijas attīstības veicināšanā Latvijā. Maģistra darbā raksturota ZA Vidzemes reģionālā identitāte, analizējot Latvijas – Igaunijas pierobežas lomu tās veidošanā. Reģiona un reģionālās identitātes raksturošanai, kas dota pirmajās divās nodaļās, izmantota kritiskās ģeogrāfijas pieeja un modeļi, kuru pazīstamākie pārstāvji ir A.Pāsi (Paasi), G.Rāgmā (Raagmaa), Dži-Fu Tuans (Yi-Fu Tuan), V.de la Blanšs (Blache). Darbā, kurš sastāv no septiņām nodaļām, apkopota informācija par ZA Vidzemes reģionālo identitāti veidojošiem faktoriem. Darba trešajā nodaļā aplūkota reģiona teritoriāli ģeogrāfiskā veidošanās, uzsverot igauņu klātbūtni un ietekmi reģiona attīstībā. Ceturtajā nodaļā raksturota ZA Vidzemes reģiona sabiedriskā uzbūve, analizēti reģiona attīstības indeksa noteicošie faktori, iztirzātas igauņu mazākumtautības sabiedriskās norises. Nākamajā daļā aplūkoti reģiona simboli, tādi kā Maliena un malēnieši, raksturota reģiona iedzīvotāju valoda un igauņu valodas ietekme tajā. Darba sestajā nodaļā plaši aplūkota reģiona institucionālā uzbūve, akcentējot pārrobežu sadarbību. Noslēdzošā nodaļa veltīta ZA Vidzemes reģionālās identitātes raksturošanai, analizējot interviju rezultātus. Maģistra darba tematikai ir nozīme valsts mērogā: reģionālā identitāte ir viens no reģiona ilgtspējīgas un harmoniskas attīstības resursiem, tādēļ tās apzināšana un veicināšana ir viena no valsts reģionālās attīstības prioritātēm. Pētījuma rezultātā secināts, ka uztveres reģioniem ir stipra ietekme cilvēku apziņā. Tā ietekmē viņu attieksmi pret apkārtējo dabas un kultūrvidi, nosaka viņu rīcības motivāciju un spējas. Uztveres reģioni ir jāņem vērā reģionālās attīstības politikas izstrādē. Maģistra darba apjoms ir 109 lapas ar 6 pielikumiem. Darba saturs sastāv no septiņām nodaļām, kurās ietverti 43 attēli un 1 tabula. Izmantoti 190 literatūras avoti. Darba atslēgas vārdi ir: reģions, reģionālā identitāte, pierobeža, ziemeļaustrumu Vidzeme. ; The topicality of the Master's Thesis "Regional Identity of North-East Vidzeme in Latvian – Estonian Borderland" deals with the current globalisation processes. There are many region and regional identity related issues arising now, especially under global changes in economical and social relations, expansion of European Union, diminishing statehood and nationality significance, and alterations of borderline functions. The territorial-administrative reform now being passed out in Latvia will definitely influence the adherence senses of the inhabitants towards any specific place/region. The Master's Thesis is a unique research in cultural geography. The North-eastern (NE) Vidzeme region considered in the Thesis is a perception region defined and mapped grounding upon ethnographical, language, ethnical, religious, literary and perception criteria. A research of this kind means a significant step for the promotion of development of cultural geography in Latvia. The Master's Thesis characterizes the regional identity of NE Vidzeme, analyzing the role of Latvian – Estonian borderlands in creation of this identity. In characterization of this regional identity, provided in the first two sections, approach and models of critical geography are utilized. Most famous representatives of this approach are A.Paasi, G.Raagmaa, Yi-Fu Tuan, V.de la Blache. The Thesis consists of seven sections and comprises information about the factors creating the regional identity of NE Vidzeme. The third section deals with the territorially-geographical creation of this region, accenting the presence and influence of Estonians in development of the region. The fourth section characterizes social structure of the NE Vidzeme region, analyzes factors defining the index of the regional development, and considers social processes of the Estonian minority. The next section examines the symbols of this region, such as Maliena and Maleni-ans, characterizes language of the inhabitants of the region and influence of Estonian language. The sixth section of the work widely reviews the institutional structure of the region, stressing the trans-border cooperation. The final section of the work is dedicated to characterization the NE Vidzeme regional identity throughout profound analyses of the results of the interviews. The subject-matter of the Master's Thesis acquires national significance: regional identity is one of the resources for an extended and balanced development of the region, thus studying and promoting it, is one of the state priorities in regional development. The result of the research concludes that the perception regions affect human consciousness vastly. It also affects their attitude towards the ambient natural and cultural environment, defines their behavioural motivation and abilities. Perception regions have to be regarded in elaboration of regional development policy. The Master's Thesis consists of 109 pages and 6 appendixes. The structure of the work consists of seven sections, which contains 43 figures and 1 table. There are 190 literary sources utilized. The key-words of the Thesis are: region, regional identity, borderland, Northeast Vidzeme.

Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups. ; Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe

Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe ; Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.