Suchergebnisse

ESSAY CHRONICLES KHRUSHCHEV'S REMOVAL FROM POWER IN 1964 AND HIS ACTIVITIES AFTER THE 'RETIREMENT' UNTIL HIS DEATH IN 1971. THE AUTHOR DESCRIBES HIS TREATMENT BY THE MEMBERS OF THE POLITBURO, THE SENSATION CAUSED BY THE APPEARANCE OF THE FIRST VOLUME OF HIS MEMOIRS, AND THE NEW INTEREST IN HIS POLITICAL CAREER WHICH IS EMERGING NOW IN THE SOVIET UNION.

BASED ON EARLIER WORK WHICH FOUND THAT LATIN AMERICAN EXECUTIVES MANIPULATE PUBLIC SPENDING SO AS TO MAXIMIZE THEIR CHANCES OF RETAINING OFFICE, THE AUTHOR EXAMINES 5 SPECIFIC "STRATEGIES" FOR SURVIVAL AND LINKS THEM TO TRADEOFFS IN VARIOUS PROGRAMS' SHARES OF THE BUDGET AT CRUCIAL PERIODS. STRATEGIES INCLUDE: PACIFY THE MILITARY, RECRUIT BUREAUCRATS, REWARD SOCIAL STRATA, INCREASE TRANSFERS.

ON THE EVE OF THE 1ST WORLD WAR, IBN SAUD WAS PROBABLY THE MOST POWERFUL RULER IN THE ARABIAN PENINSULA. IN THIS PAPER THE AUTHOR STUDIES AND ANALYZES EVENTS LEADING TO THE ANGLO-NAJD TREATY WHICH EMBODIED A REVERSAL OF BRITISH POLICY TOWARD IBN SAUD INTO THE NETWORK OF BRITISH PROTECTED SHEIKDOMS AND INSURED THE SECURITY OF BRITISH INTERESTS.

THE AUTHOR EMPLOYS INTERVIEW DATA FROM SAMPLES OF CONVENTION DELEGATES OF BOTH PARTIES IN 1976 TO REEXAMINE AARON WILDAVSKY'S THEORY OF THE 'TWO PRESIDENCIES'. CONTRARY TO PEPPERS' 1974 ARGUMENT THAT DUE, IN PART, TO RECENT EVENTS IN AMERICAN POLITICS THE TWO PRESIDENCIES (DOMESTIC AND FORPOLICY ORIENTED) HAVE BECOME ONE, THE AUTHOR'S DATA SUGGEST SUPPORT FOR THE WILDAVSKY HYPOTHESIS.

A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS OFFERS POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE NEWLY APPOINTED SECRETARY OF STATE, E. MUSKIE. THE MAIN POINT OF THE AUTHOR IS THAT THE CARTER ADMINISTRATION HAS FAILED TO DEVELOP A KEY OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN FOR FOREIGN POLICY, WHICH HAS RESULTED IN CONFUSION FOR CONGRESS, THE PUBLIC AND THE WORLD.

THE AUTHOR DISCUSSES THE CHARACTERISTICS OF A "SUPERPOWER" AS DISTINGUISHED FROM OTHER GREAT POWERS, AND EXAMINES THE NATURE OF CHANGES IN WHAT CONSTITUTES A SUPER-POWER, POST-WORLD WAR II VS. TODAY. THE IDENTIFYING CHARACTERISTICS ARE DISCUSSED AND CODIFIED: A SUPERPOWERHAVING GREAT POWER PLUS GREAT MOBILITY OF POWER. THE NATURE OF A TWO-SUPERPOWER WORLD IS ALSO EXAMINED.

AUTHOR UNDERTAKES AN EXAMINATION OF US SECURITY INTERESTS IN LATIN AMERICA - POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND MILITARY. THESE ARE THEN COMPARED AND CONNECTED WITH LATIN AMERICAN SECURITY INTERESTS AND THEIR PERCEPTIONS OF THE US. THE ARTICLE ALSO INCLUDES CONSIDERATION OF THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEMISPHERIC MILITARY BALANCE AND OPTIONS FOR THE US IN COOPERATING REALISTICALLY WITH THE EMERGING SITUATION.

AUTHORS REVIEW NSC 68, A COMPREHENSIVE STATEMENT OF WHAT US NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY SHOULD BE WHICH WAS DEVELOPED IN 1950. A MAJOR FLAW, IT IS SUGGESTED, AND ONE WHICH HELPED LEAD THE US INTO VIETNAM, WAS THE EQUATION OF INTERESTS WITH THREATS. NITZE, A PRINCIPAL AUTHOR OF THE POLICY STATEMENT, CRITIQUES IT BUT DISAGREES WITH GADDIS' GENERAL CRITICISMS.

AUTHOR EXAMINES THE FOREIGN POLICY STANCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF SECURITY ISSUES HELD BY THE LEADERS OF THE PERSIAN GULF STATES. THE EFFECTS OF THE ISRAELI-EGYPTIAN PEACE TREATY, IN TERMS OF POLARIZING THE ARAB STATES, ARE ANALYZED ALONG WITH THE EFFECTS OF THE SOVIET INTERVENTION IN AFGHANISTAN. THE FURTHER POLITICIZATION OF THE OIL MARKET IS DISCUSSED.

THE AUTHOR EXAMINES THE RECENT TREND IN AMERICA AWAY FROM AND AGAINST THE SOVIET UNION. THE COALITIONS SUPPORTING THIS POLICY STANCE ARE EXAMINED, THE TWO MAIN FACTIONS BEING THE NATIONAL SECURITY ESTABLISHMENT AND THOSE WHO OPPOSE MOSCOW ON MORAL GROUNDS. THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES BY NOTING THE SOPHISTICATION OF THE PUBLIC AND THE POLICY IT WILL ACCEPT.

THE STUDY ASSESSES THE POLICY IMPACT OF LEADERSHIP CHANGE OVER IN DEMOCRATIC POLITIES, EXAMINING THE QUESTION OF WHO RULES IN TERMS OF GOVERNMENT POLICY. THE AUTHOR ANALYZED HOW CHANGES IN THE TOP LEADERSHIP OF 7 ADVANCED INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACIES AFFECTED THEIR BUDGETARY ALLOCATIONS FROM 195076. THE IMPACT OF SUCCESSION WAS FOUND TO BE STRONG AND PERVASIVE. IMPLICATIONS ARE DISCUSSED.

WIEHAHN COMMISSION REPORT, ISSUED IN MAY 1979, WAS INTENDED AS AN INVESTIGATION OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK GOVERNING DAY-TO-DAY RELATIONS BETWEEN CAPITAL AND LABOR IN SOUTH AFRICA. THE REPORT IS CRITIQUED AS OFFERING, AT BEST, AN ILLUSION OF CHANGE. THE AUTHOR SUGGESTS THAT WHITE DOMINATION WILL ENCOURAGE COOPERATION BETWEEN THE BLACK LABOR MOVEMENT AND AFRICAN NATIONALISM ALL OVER THE CONTINENT.

ARTICLE ATTEMPTS TO DRAW A DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE CONCEPTS OF THE COMMON GOOD AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST. THE HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE TERMS IS DESCRIBED IN THE POLITICAL CONTEXTS IN WHICH THEY DERIVED THEIR MEANING. THE AUTHOR ARGUES FOR A REDEFINITION OF THE PUBLIC INTEREST AS WHAT IS GOOD FOR THE WHOLE PEOPLE AS THE PEOPLE INTERPRETIT.