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AbstractThis article explores unexamined links between psychic and political theories of trauma to investigate the constitution of victims deserving and undeserving of reparation as they emerge in the context of the Holocaust, Hiroshima, and the Nuremberg and Tokyo War Tribunals. While genocide and nuclear catastrophe oriented the world imagination toward the specter of planetary annihilation, the "final solution" and the atomic bombings also cleave from one another in significant ways. In the space of postwar Europe, the history of the Holocaust is settled: Nazis were perpetrators and Jews were victims. In contrast, in the space of postwar Asia, there was and continues to be little historical consensus as to who were the victims and who were the perpetrators. As such, this article investigates how the uneven distribution of trauma across different geopolitical spaces and times carves out a privileged zone of exhausted and victimized humanity, with significant implications for addressing the injuries of violated human beings in Europe and elsewhere. Throughout, this article examines how psychoanalytic approaches to the history of the traumatized subject supplement the subject of Cold War history in search of an impossible historical consensus.

Verlagsinfo: In 1614 the French Estates General met for the last time before the Revolution of 1789. The meeting marks the beginning of the political career of Cardinal Richelieu and provides an opportunity for studying the regency of Marie de Medicis. In another sense 1614 marks the end of the Estates General in its early modern form of three separate estates preparing lists of grievances from the preliminary lists submitted to each deputy by his electors, while attending to the needs of the king. This book provides a full description of that last meeting in 1614, based on extensive research into political pamphlets, diplomatic correspondence, records of the royal councils, local and national cahiers and the proces-verbaux of the meetings. The author sets the period in the wider context of the history of France from 1598 to 1616, with particular attention to economic conditions and international relations.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Frontispiece -- Preface -- Introduction Nationalism and Xenophobia -- Austria The Danger of Populism -- Belgium Fragile National Identity(s) and the Elusive Multicultural Society -- Bosnia-Herzegovina Beyond Xenophobia: Ethnic Cleansing -- Bulgaria Rediscovering The Balkans and its Discontents -- Czech Republic More Liberty, More Hi-Fi Stereos, More Hatred -- Denmark The Agonies of Innocence -- Finland The Fortress Syndrome -- France Towards the Institutionalisation of Prejudice? -- Germany A Victory of the Street -- Great Britain Clear Blue Water Between 'Us' and 'Europe'? -- Greece "A Ghost Wanders Through the Capital" -- Hungary "Strangers Thou Shouldst Kindheartedly Support and Respect..." -- Ireland Myths of Innocence -- Italy Enduring a General Crisis -- Luxembourg Tolerant but Conservative -- The Netherlands "Full or at the Limit of Tolerance" -- Norway Democratic Values and Exclusion -- Poland Thank God - One Problem Less? -- Portugal "We're Too Good to be Racist" -- Romania Using Nationalism for Political Legitimacy -- Slovakia The Internal 'Enemies' of National Independence -- Slovenia Afterpains of Secession: 'Nonslovenes' Out!? -- Spain Another Chapter of the Old Intolerance? -- Sweden Emerging Undercurrents of Nationalism -- Switzerland Paradise News -- Turkey Questions of National Identity -- Yugoslavia Old Wine in New Bottles -- Europe National Visions, International Perspectives and Comparative Analysis -- Bibliography -- List of Authors.

General revenue sharing funds have been spent by the recipient governmental units for a variety of services. One of the important areas of these expenditures has been environmental protection. Municipal governments have con sistently spent greater proportions of their revenue sharing funds for environmental protection than other local and state levels of government. This is because the jurisdictional location for most environmental management activities is in the cities. Revenue sharing should not be looked upon at this time as the means for decentralizing environmental policy decisions. Premature decentralization could result in the delivery of inadequate environmental protection.

GENERAL REVENUE SHARING FUNDS HAVE BEEN SPENT BY THE RECIPIENT GOVERNMENTAL UNITS FOR A VARIETY OF SERVICES. ONE OF THE IMPORTANT AREAS OF THESE EXPENDITURES HAS BEEN ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS HAVE CONSISTENTLY SPENT GREATER PROPORTIONS OF THEIR REVENUE SHARING FUNDS FOR ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION THAN OTHER LOCAL & STATE LEVELS OF GOVERNMENT. THIS IS BECAUSE THE JURISDICTIONAL LOCATION FOR MOST ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT ACTIVITIES IS IN THE CITIES. REVENUE SHARING SHOULD NOT BE LOOKED UPON AS THE MEANS FOR DECENTRALIZING ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY DECISIONS. PREMATURE DECENTRALIZATION COULD RESULT IN THE DELIVERY OF INADEQUATE ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION. 3 TABLES. HA.

PURPOSE OF ANY METHODOLOGICAL CRITIQUE MUST ULTIMATELY BE RELATED TO SUBSTANTIVE INTERPRETATIONS. THIS CRITIQUE CHALLENGES THE THREE MAJOR CONCLUSIONS OF J. E. VINCENT'S STUDIES: 1) THAT DEMOCRACY IS SIGNIFICANTLY LESS IMPORTANT THAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN PREDICTING UN VOTING; 2) THAT ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IS FUNDAMENTAL TO UN VOTING; 3) THAT EASTERN VOTING IS THE PREDOMINANT VOTING DIMENSION.

After the fall of the Iron Curtain a new concept of Europe as a socially relevant object of study emerged in the social sciences challenging the model of Europe as historical entity, or a philosophical or literary concept. This concept provoked an upsurge of interest in the study of European identity among anthropologists who began to study how Europeanness is constructed and articulated both by the architects of the EU themselves and at a grass-root level. Drawing on notions of European culture and identity, this text examines the image of Europe/the EU in post-communist Europe, particularly in the Czech Republic, from two different perspectives. First, how the institutionalisation of Europe as a cultural idea is viewed by some of the Czech political commentators, and second, from an ethnographically grounded anthropological perspective, focusing on how and at what levels a Czech local community identifies with Europe and the EU. Drawing on a broad range of data, the text attempts to provide new insights into the pitfalls of collective European identity in the making, with the emphasis on its cultural dimension in the post-communist Czech Republic.

Table des matières -- Préface -- Un long parcours commun pour rétablir les priorités -- Première partie -- 1. Lutter contre la pauvreté ou contre les inégalités ? -- 2. Les conséquences de la pauvreté dans l'Europe d'aujourd'hui : un problème qui concerne toute la société -- 3. Comment combattre la pauvreté aujourd'hui en Europe? -- Deuxième partie -- Introduction -- 1. Définitions et mesures de la pauvreté en Europe -- 2. Droits humains et pauvreté -- 3. Démocratie et pauvreté -- 4. Pauvreté et ressources -- 5. Paupérisation et politiques de redistribution -- Troisième partie -- Introduction

L'Union européenne (28 pays) et l'Europe dans sa totalité (48 pays et entités géopolitiques) ont terminé leur transition démographique. Elles connaissent actuellement une situation « post-transitionnelle » et sont confrontées à trois défis démographiques majeurs, à savoir une sous-fécondité n'assurant plus le remplacement des générations, un vieillissement de la population et l'immigration. En dépit d'attitudes de laissez faire de beaucoup de pays européens, plusieurs gouvernements ont adopté des politiques publiques pour gérer certaines ou toutes ces questions. Cependant, les politiques destinées à augmenter les niveaux de fécondité et celles s'attaquant aux défis du vieillissement ont donné des résultats quelque peu mitigés. Un problème urgent en Europe aujourd'hui est la gestion d'un grand nombre d'immigrants, et en particulier de réfugiés. Concernant cette question, les pays de l'Union européenne (UE) n'ont pas encore été capables de parvenir à un consensus politique fort. Néanmoins, étant donné leur statut « post-transitionnel », l'Europe et l'UE pourraient servir de laboratoire en matière de politiques publiques pour les autres parties du monde lesquelles, tôt ou tard, pourraient être confrontées à des défis démographiques semblables.

This is a follow-up report of PEPPER report on the financial participation in Europe organised by Professor Erik Poutsma ( Nijmegen School of Management, Netherland). Le cas français est inclu dans "PRACTICES OF FINANCIAL PARTICIPATION IN EUROPE: Features of Best Practices" DOI:10.13140/RG.2.2.30425.11361 ; France has a pattern that consists of more state regulated (mandatory) broad based deferred profit-sharing with the aim of enhancement of employee savings and wider distribution of wealth and wage flexibility. Financial participation systems are also used for income and employment policies. The corporate governance system of France provide for a limited scope of employee share ownership due to more concentration of capital and the substance of closely held family firms. The system in France has mainly promoted company profit sharing and the build-up of considerable, though very unevenly distributed, employee savings. Even though the government has offered incentives several times since the 1970s, ESO has developed relatively slowly, and the tax system has not done anything to discourage this trend. If ESO appears to be developing at a faster pace these days, it is only because of privatization procedures and stock market developments. But will the current downswing in the stock market and the impending decrease of privatizations slow down the ESO trend? And won't payroll restraints (due mostly to the reduction in work hours) encourage the use of company performance-related bonuses as a supplement to wages? In these conditions, employee saving schemes appear to be the most strategic component of the financial participation system. This is probably why it is central to the 2001 Fabius Act. By creating co-operative business savings schemes (PEI) for the small companies that are excluded from mandatory profit sharing schemes, the law aims to extend the possibility for building employee savings with preferential taxation treatment to all employees except civil servants. And by establishing PPESV schemes, it ...