Suchergebnisse

Tested here is the argument that political outspokenness is affected not only by one's perception of the climate of opinion and one's gender, age, education and income, as Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann argues, but also by one's interest in politics and level of self-efficacy, the obtrusiveness of the issue, extent of media use, and by certainty of views held. A 1987 survey of 624 individuals in Austin, Texas, suggests that people may not be as helpless in the face of public opinion as Noelle-Neumann's "Spiral of Silence" theory would hold, and that there are certain conditions under which it is possible to buck the spiral to express opinions.

THE FISCAL CRUNCH FACING MANY STATES IN FY 1991 HAS ITS ROOTS IN THE RECESSION, FEDERAL MANDATES, ELECTION-YEAR POLITICS, AND RAPID GROWTH IN SPENDING FOR MEDICAID AND CORRECTIONS. SOUTHERN AND MIDWESTERN STATES THAT MADE DRASTIC CUTS IN RESPONSE TO THE 1981-1982 RECESSION HAVE FARED RELATIVELY WELL, BUT STATES IN THE NORTHEAST HAVE FACED TAX INCREASES, LAYOFFS, CUTS IN SERVICES, AND PROLONGED CONFLICT OVER STATE BUDGETS. ALTHOUGH THE TAX REVOLT HAS NOT LED TO APPRECIABLY LOWER TAXES, IT HAS MADE RAISING TAXES MORE DIFFICULT, AND HAS HERALDED A SHIFT TO "BOUTIQUE GOVERNMENT," WHICH MAY CREATE FURTHER FISCAL PROBLEMS IN THE LONG RUN. STATE TAX INCREASES AND SPENDING CUTBACKS MAY ALSO DELAY RECOVERY FROM THE RECESSION.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE STRUCTURE AND COMPOSITION OF THESE "NEW TIMES." KNOWN BY SEVERAL TERMS INCLUDING "POSTINDUSTRIAL," "POST-FORDIST," "REVOLUTION OF THE SUBJECT," AND POSTMODERN," THIS TRANSFORMED SOCIETY HAS MANY IMPLICATIONS FOR POLITICS ON THE LEFT. THE "PROMISE" OF MODERNITY HAS BECOME, AT THE END OF THE 20TH CENTURY, CONSIDERABLY MORE AMBIGUOUS, ITS LINKS WITH SOCIALISM AND THE LEFT MUCH MORE TENUOUS. THE SWEEPING CHANGES HAS ALSO MADE IT DIFFICULT TO CONCEIVE OF "THE INDIVIDUAL" IN TERMS OF A WHOLE AND COMPLETED EGO OR AUTONOMOUS "SELF." THE "SELF" IS EXPERIENCED AS MORE FRAGMENTED AND INCOMPLETE, COMPOSED OF MULTIPLE "SELVES" OR IDENTITIES IN RELATION TO THE DIFFERENT SOCIAL WORLDS INHABITED.

FOR STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS, THE 101ST CONGRESS (1989-1990) COMPILED A MIXED RECORD OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL REGULATION AND PREEMPTION. COSTLY AND INTRUSIVE MANDATES WERE ENACTED TO COMBAT AIR POLLUTION, PROTECT THE RIGHTS OF DISABLED PERSONS, AND PROVIDE MEDICAL ASSISTANCE TO THE POOR. AT THE SAME TIME, NEW RESTRICTIONS WERE DEFEATED IN LEGISLATION AFFECTING OIL-SPILL LIABILITY AND CHILD CARE. THIS ARTICLE REVIEWS THE ISSUES AND POLITICS SURROUNDING THESE ENACTMENTS, AND PLACES THEM WITHIN THE BROADER CONTEXT OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL REGULATORY TRENDS DURING THE 1980S. THE PAST DECADE WAS CHARACTERIZED BY INCREASING REGULATORY BURDENS IMPOSED ON STATES AND LOCALITIES, PUNCTUATED BY OCCASIONAL EXAMPLES OF REGULATORY RELIEF AND DEFERRAL.

B. Womack takes a critical look at A. Walder's book "Communist neo-traditionalism". Womack's basic thesis is that Walder's focus in his book on the basic-level social sructures and their shaping of power and politics is a significant step forward in understanding Chinese society, but that the narrowness of his focus on state power gives an artificial slant to his paradigm (communist "neo-traditionalism") similar to that of earlier paradigm of totalitarianism. Walder replies that dependance of workers on Communist Party leaders gives rise to a clientalist pattern of authority, in which the party uses material and career rewards to build networks of loyal followers. (DÜI-Sen)

Yves Blavier : Jean-François Varlet après la Révolution.
Varlet's career after his years of revolutionary activity is little known. The main episodes are traced in this study. He took no part in the babouvist conspiracy but he did join the Neojacobins in the Club du Manège. In 1814 he was a patriotic bonapar- tist. He settled in Nantes during the Restoration, gravitated in republican cercles and became active in politics again in 1831 when he was candidate to the Electoral College. He kept in touch with Parisian groups and in 1834 he was in charge of the Nantes section of the Society far the Rights of Man. He came back to Corbeil where he was carefully watched by the authorities and he died in 1837.

Humanities Open Book Program, a joint initiative of the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation ; This study traces the development of Mao's political thinking from his earliest writings to the beginning of the Long March. In a thorough examination of the early years, the author delineates Mao's distinctive perspectives, political concerns, and leadership style-the enduring components of his political identity. The analysis goes to the roots of Mao's thinking-the crucible of action-in order to demonstrate the fundamental unity of theory and practice which constituted the leading principle of Mao's thought, an approach to politics that was a major innovation within both the Chinese and Marxist political traditions.

As a result of the recent changes in world politics, especially in Eastern Europe (and between the United States and the Soviet Union), there has been a re‐evaluation of the United States military forces. There is a movement to develop a variety of ways to trim the numbers of those in the active duty military. At the same time, there is a recognised need to offer assistance to those departing the military and to enable them to make a smooth transition into the civilian world of work. Although the research reported here was conducted over two years ago and focused on those retiring from the military, the issues raised may be more relevant today.

Protection of individual freedom and civil liberties is highly valued in Canada. Yet, as a society, Canadians allow the erosion of these rights in the service of the War on Drugs. Ostensibly, this war is waged in order to protect society at large, and to protect individuals from themselves. However, the harm to society and to individuals resulting from our drug control policies is, in fact, greater than the benefits which drug policy legislators would have us believe are achievable. Through these policies, we are condoning a war of economics, politics, and power, while simultaneously sacrificing our societal and individual rights, rather than supporting a rational effort toward lessening the abuse of drugs.

The progressive housing policies of populist Boston Mayor Raymond Flynn are described and analyzed in this article. Flynn's progressive housing policies are contrasted with those of his liberal predecessor, Kevin White. Boston's housing crisis and politics are described. The authors argue that Flynn's progressive housing policies have resulted in better housing conditions for Boston's poor and working-class citizenry, advocacy of progressive housing policies, empowerment of tenant and neighborhood organizations, and development of a nationally recognized model of nonprofit housing. Nevertheless, the authors argue that no city government by itself can solve a city's housing problems equitably without much greater federal assistance than is provided currently.

Case studies of women's organizations have focused on urban programs but neglected the unique problems faced by rural programs. This article explores the organizational politics of four rural battered women's programs in Appalachia. The lack of feminist networks, the defensiveness of communities, and organizational isolation present special challenges to rural women activists. These factors have shaped the organizational structures and tactics of rural-based organizations and have resulted in organizations that are different from their urban counterparts. A successful social movement to end male violence needs to maintain its flexibility of tone and method and to support its programs'adaptations to the communities in which they are located.

AbstractPeople who do not vote are even less likely to be engaged in other responsibilities commonly associated with citizenship in a democracy. Meanwhile, widespread belief that politics — as currently practiced — favors special interests over the "common good" has alienated an ever‐increasing proportion of the electorate. In addition, the decline of local political parties and labor unions, combined with a decline in active church membership, has reduced the number of traditional outlets for grass‐roots action, resulting in an erosion of community values. In the face of growing diversity and fast‐paced change, the challenge to democracy rests in the recognition of a linkage between private gain and the public good; the nation's future depends on it.