Suchergebnisse

El mundo intelectual de Joseph De Maistre no es el mismo que el de Burke, Bonald y Donoso Cortés. Estos se aproximaron al pasado como referente de la única política posible. Sin embargo, Maistre comprendió que la Revolución francesa inaguraba una «época» donde la política del pasado carecía de lugar. Asumida la ruptura, el escritor saboyano utilizó el pasado no como referente político, sino como estilo de exaltación antidemocrática y antiliberal. ; The intellectual world of Joseph De Maistre is completely different from a conservative point of view from Burke's, Bonald's and Donoso Cortés traditionalism. The past was for these authors the only possible politics. However, Maistre understood that, with the French Revolution, began a new «period» in which the politics of the past is a «death palace» (Chateaubriand). Accepted the breakdown, Maistre used the past to found a reac-tionary style that was both antidemocratic and antiliberal.

В статье отражены основные аспекты гендерной политики японского правительства и ее влияние на организацию образа жизни японок. Помимо культурной политики правительства, на менталитет и формирование жизненных стратегий японских женщин сильное воздействие оказывают японские СМИ. Женщины могут избрать альтернативные стратегии, объединить их в своей жизни и переходить от одной к другой в зависимости от повседневных ситуаций. ; The purpose of the article is to give the reader some information about official Japanese politics and reflection of the positions of women in mass media, for example women's magazines. Moreover, the author states that both the politics and magazines make women follow their living course and the majority of Japanese women use this information as "guidance to the action". The author comes to the conclusion that every woman can choose her living principle according to her own character, opportunities and tendencies.

The salience of judicial appointments in contemporary American politics has precipitated a surge of scholarly interest in the dynamics of advice and consent in the U.S. Senate. In this article, we compare alternative pivotal politics models of the judicial nominations process, each capturing a different set of potential veto players in the Senate. We use these spatial models to guide empirical analysis of rejection patterns in confirmation contests for the lower federal courts. Using data on the outcomes of all nominations to the U.S. Courts of Appeals and the U.S. District Courts between 1975 and 2006, we show that models incorporating the preferences of the majority party median and the filibuster pivots best account for confirmation patterns we observe at the appellate and trial court levels, while advice and consent for trial courts has more recently been influenced by home‐state senators.

Area specialists and others have criticized the rational choice approach to political analysis as culture-bound, reflecting a modern western ethnocentric perspective. A study of the Han Feizi, the main text of the classic Chinese Legalist school, shows that the approach applies in cultural contexts greatly different from the contemporary west, and that it can be used to analyze not simply democratic politics but also the politics of despotism. The Han Feizi also makes clear, however, that rationality cannot be understood in the abstract, but only in the context of what the text calls the shi (roughly, 'circumstances'). The more useful forms of political analysis are not restricted to a reconstruction of what is rational, but trace out the characteristics of the shi-the political, historical, cultural, and psychological context conditioning action and defining, at least in part, what constitutes rationality. Adapted from the source document.

This article discusses two very different South Asian diasporic films that both promise an identity politics congruent with the objectives of postcolonial feminism alongside a distinctive 'feel good' factor: Deepa Mehta's Fire (1997) and Gurinder Chadha's Bend It Like Beckham (2002). Both films explore the pressure that certain ideas of India exert on female subjectivities in the diaspora a.nd at home, and their success as feel good films depends on the viewer's ability to understand and ally themselves with the liberation of the central characters from these pressures. By reading the limits as well as the triumphs invoked by the emotional crescendos of these films and the politics of liberation that they endorse, this article also considers other points of continued silence and struggle (specifically queer diasporic subjects and sex workers), not foregrounded by the visual or narrative persuasions of the films themselves.

Forced exile was important to Chilean politics both during the military regime and after the dictatorship's end in 1990. Exile was central to Pinochet's strategy for eliminating the left in Chile and consolidating and retaining absolute political power. At the same time, exile kept the opposition alive when the left was decimated in Chile, as exiles reconstituted their parties abroad and fought the dictatorship from the "external front." Exiles' return in the mid-1980s contributed to the success of the opposition effort to defeat Pinochet in the 1988 plebiscite. Finally, the exile experience was central to the reconfiguration of Chilean politics, particularly the "renovation" of the Socialists, which led to the breakup of the long-standing Socialist-Communist alliance and the formation of the Socialist—Christian Democrat alliance, the core of the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia, which has elected presidents and majorities in the Chamber of Deputies in each election since 1989.

In Northern Ireland the word 'equality' is frequently evoked, yet the society itself remains riven by social mistrust. It is not characterised by even a thin social solidarity, even though violence has mercifully diminished. This article teases out the very particular way in which equality has come to be defined in Northern Ireland – indeed, how battles over its definition have become part of continuing, even intensifying, sectarian political antagonism. This helps to explain why it has proved so difficult to secure stable devolution in the region, and why the serious challenges of social injustice seem always to be displaced by constitutional wrangling. There are echoes here of wider warnings about the consequences of a drift from a modernist politics of redistribution to a postmodern politics of recognition. An alternative policy agenda is outlined, which would see sectarianism and social exclusion in Northern Ireland subjected to combined political assault.

This article unfolds in three stages. First, it locates the emergence of modern conceptions of social justice in industrializing Europe, and especially in the discovery of the "social," which provided a particular idiom for the liberal democratic politics for most of the twentieth century. Second, the article links this particular conception of the social to the political rationalities of the postwar welfare state and the identity of the social citizen. Finally, the article discusses the myriad ways in which this legacy of the social and social justice has been disrupted, although not yet fully displaced, by the economic orthodoxies and individualization that inform the contemporary neoliberal governing project in Canada. The result, the article concludes, has been the institutionalization of insecurity, which demands the renewal of a social way of seeing and a politics of social justice on local and global scales.

In international politics, states learn from the behavior of other nations, including the reputations states form through their actions in the international system. This article presents a model of how states process this information and examines how this learning affects international conflict. The model builds off of cognitive balance theory and foreign policy learning models and breaks new ground in its ability to provide a contextual assessment of reputation in world politics. The article then investigates whether a dyad is more likely to experience conflict if at least one state has a reputation for hostility. This hypothesis is tested empirically across all dyads in the international system from 1817 to 2000. The results indicate that states do engage in this learning behavior and that the information generated by extra‐dyadic interaction of states has a significant bearing upon the likelihood of dyadic conflict.

This article elucidates the meaning of Indian nationalism and its connection to religious universalism as a problem of ethics. It engages in that exercise of elucidation by interpreting a few of the key texts by Aurobindo Ghose on the relationship between ethics and politics in the first two decades of the twentieth century. Both secularist and subalternist histories have contributed to misunderstandings of Aurobindo's political thought and shown an inability to comprehend its ethical moorings. The specific failures in fathoming the depths of Aurobindo's thought are related to more general infirmities afflicting the history of political and economic ideas in colonial India. In exploring how best to achieve Indian unity, Aurobindo had shown that Indian nationalism was not condemned to pirating from the gallery of models of states crafted by the West. By reconceptualizing the link between religion and politics, this essay suggests a new way forward in Indian intellectual history.