El ordenamiento de precios y salarios promulgado por Juan II de Castilla en 1442 como consecuencia de una petición de Cortes, supone un documento de primera mano para conocer con precisión la vida política y económica de la mitad del siglo xv. Surgido a raíz de los avatares económicos, producidos por las sucesivas reformas monetarias encaminadas a contener la inflación de los precios, el análisis diplomático e histórico de este documento nos proporciona, a veces indirectamente, datos tan valiosos como el ejercicio del poder real en Castilla y el concepto de soberanía, junto al funcionamiento de las Cortes castellanas y su relación con la Corona. Del mismo modo gracias a este documento conocemos con precisión el modo de legislar en la Castilla bajomedieval, la aplicación de las leyes y de qué forma eran promulgadas. Junto a todo ello los aspectos económicos de la producción y la industria, el coste de la vida y los tipos de mercancías usuales en el comercio de la época. Por tanto al hecho de haber sido, hasta la fecha, un documento prácticamente desconocido, se une la importancia de su valor como fuente de historia política y económica, lo que supone una aportación más al conocimiento de la realidad castellana del siglo xv. En este caso el estudio paleográfico y diplomático aporta, al mismo tiempo, datos que pueden ayudar a enriquecer los estudios sobre documentación real existentes, al tiempo que ha permitido conocer con precisión la génesis del documento, tan compleja por habernos llegado el documento en forma de segunda copia, lo mismo que todo lo concerniente a la tradición diplomática por existir hasta tres versiones diferentes del mismo ordenamiento.The legislation about prices and wages promulgated by John II of Castile in 1442, as a consequence of Parliament request, supposes a first - hand document to know accurately the economics and politice during the mid xv century. This aróse as a result of the economic effects caused by the successive monetary reforms implemented to control inflation; the historie and diplomatic analysis of this document gives, sometimes in an indirect way, valuable data about the exertion of the political power in Castile and the concept of sovereignty, as well as the functioning of the Castilian Parliament and its relationship with the Crown. At the same time and thanks to this document, we know accurately the legislative process during the late Middie-Ages in Castile, the entry into forcé of the law and the way it was enacted. It also includes the economic features of the production and the industry, the cost of living, and the most popular goods traded by that time. Therefore, in addition to the fact that this document has been practically unknown, the importance of its valué has to be considered as a source of the politic and economic history, which implies an additional contribution to the Castilian situation during the xv century. In this case, the paleographic and diplomatic report provides, at the same time, data that could help to enrich the surveys about the existing actual documentation, as well as the obtention of a more precise knowledge about the document's origin, so complex to find, as it has arrived to us as a secund copy. The same situation happens about everything concerning the diplomatic tradition due to the existence of three different versions of the same legislation.
Este trabajo examina el vínculo teórico entre el filólogo Karl Lachmann (1793-1851) y el lingüista August Schleicher (1821-1868); específicamente, cómo sus respectivos trabajos modificaron el devenir de la filología y la lingüística. Para dar cuenta de las conexiones entre ambos se retomarán dos nociones correlativas, propuestas por los autores como expresión de una misma búsqueda del origen de su disciplina: Urtext (Lachmann) y Ursprache (Schleicher). Estas nociones, propuestas como puntos de llegada de un método genealógico filológico y lingüístico, serán puntos de partida para analizar el devenir de las competencias teórico-metodológicas de la filología y la lingüística en el período en el que lograron ganar independencia la una de la otra. Para analizar el surgimiento de estas dos categorías teóricas y su funcionamiento dentro de los aparatos disciplinares que las contienen, se retomarán algunos antecedentes culturales que posibilitaron la conformación de la lingüística y la filología como tales durante el siglo XIX en el territorio alemán. Estos antecedentes se explorarán especialmente a partir de figuras como las de Jacob Grimm (1785-1863) y Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803), este último considerado en este trabajo como referencia histórica ineludible de la búsqueda de los orígenes en la cultura alemana, y del contexto sociopolítico que colaboró con la configuración de una cultura a la caza de una identidad nacional. Se espera con este artículo contribuir con el análisis de las nociones de Urtext y Urspache dentro de los perfiles disciplinares de la lingüística y la filología, y postular preguntas para el desarrollo de diversas investigaciones sobre el rol de estas disciplinas en sus formas contemporáneas. ; This article explores the relations between the philologist Karl Lachmann and the linguist August Schleicher; specifically, how their works have reshaped the way in which philology and linguistics are understood. In order to establish these bonds, we will talk about two correlated notions, both formulated by their authors as expressions of the same research: Urtext (Lachmann) and Ursprache (Schleicher). These notions are the points of arrival of genealogical methods for philology and linguistics, respectively, and we will take them as points of departure for the analysis of the theoretical and methodological competence of both disciplines in times of their independence from one another. In order to analyze the conditions of creation of these two theorical notions and the way they function inside their disciplines, we will start this investigation in Nineteenth-Century Germany when linguistics separates itself from philology, but we will also go back and forth in time, looking to analyze both the circumstances that led to them and the consequences of their appearance. Among the circumstances that will be considered in this article, we must emphasize the influence of Jacob Grimm and Johann Gottfried Herder, the latter often considered a reference for the quest for origins in modern German culture, and the social and political context that collaborated with the configuration of a way to conceive culture and its eagerness for a German national identity. We hope we can contribute to the understanding of the disciplinary profiles of linguistics and philology, and to the formulation of questions regarding these disciplines today among other human sciences. ; Fil: Scotto, Victoria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina
El alumnado universitario conformara la futura ciudadanía, por lo que es fundamental transformar las creencias y mitos mal aprendidos, las desigualdades por razón de sexo y las situaciones de violencia de género en la sociedad. Su cambio será la clave para construir una sociedad democrática mas justa e igualitaria, donde la igualdad efectiva entre mujeres y hombres sea una realidad. Se hace evidente que este cambio se debe realizar a través de la formación y concienciación con respecto a la violencia de género y el acoso por razón de sexo en todos los niveles educativos. El propósito fundamental de este trabajo de investigación consiste en analizar la percepción del alumnado universitario sobre la violencia de género y el acoso por razón de sexo. En este estudio han participado un total de 1.650 estudiantes de Grado y Máster de la Universidad de Córdoba (España). De la totalidad el 75.1% (n=1239) eran mujeres y el 24.9% (n=411) hombres, con edades comprendidas entre los 17 y 59 años (M=20.90. D.T.= 3.647). Para la recogida de información se elaboró un cuestionario ad hoc un índice de fiabilidad bastante alto (a=0.853), compuesto por datos sociodemográficos y por 41 ítems distribuidos en las siguientes categorías: 1. fuentes de información más utilizadas para construir su conocimiento sobre la violencia de género o acoso sexual; 2. situaciones de riesgo en las que hay más probabilidad de que se produzca violencia de genero; 3. posibles causas de la violencia de genero; 4. conocimiento de alguna persona que este sufriendo violencia de género o acoso por razón de genero; y 5. acciones o medidas para prevenir la violencia de género o el acoso por razón de género. A través de un diseño transversal y correlacional se realizaron análisis de corte descriptivo y comparativo con el programa estadístico SPSS v.20. Los resultados obtenidos demuestran que el modo más acertado de corregir las conductas violentas es la educación tanto formal como no formal, pero eso no será suficiente puesto que ya hay demasiado camino recorrido en desigualdad. Paralelamente a esa educación, será necesario llevar a cabo acciones positivas para acortar distancias. Acciones que deben ir encaminadas a visibilizar la violencia machista, determinar que es violencia y desarrollar cuantas actividades sean necesarias para corregir conductas violentas contra las mujeres. Se concluye que el trabajo realizado es un importante punto de partida para comenzar a realizar acciones positivas con el objeto de que las creencias y percepciones del alumnado universitario sea capaz de detectar conductas violentas para poder actuar en consecuencia. ; University students will be part of future citizenship. Therefore, it is essential to transform poorly learned beliefs and myths, gender-based inequalities and situations of gender violence in society. This change will be the key for building a fairer and more equal and democratic society, in which an effective equality among women and men would become real. It is evident that education should be at the very core of this change to raise awareness with regards to gender-based violence and harassment in all educational levels. The fundamental purpose of this study is to analyze the perception of university students about gender-based violence and harassment. A total of 1,650 undergraduate and master's students from the University of Cordoba (Spain) have participated in this study. Of the total, 75.1% (n = 1239) were women and 24.9% (n = 411) men, aged between 17 and 59 years (M = 20.90. SD = 3.647). For data gathering, an ad hoc questionnaire was developed with a high reliability index (a= 0.853), composed of sociodemographic data and 41 items distributed in the following categories: 1. Most common sources of information to build knowledge about the gender violence or sexual harassment; 2. risk situations in which gender-based violence is more likely to occur; 3. posible causes of gender violence; 4. Gaining awareness of the fact that someone could be suffering from gender-based violence or harassment; and 5. actions or measures to prevent gender-based violence or harassment. Through a cross sectional and correlational design, descriptive and comparative analysis were performed with the statistical program SPSS v.20. The obtained results show that the key element when it comes to correcting violent behaviors is education (both formal and informal). Nonetheless, it is necessary but not sufficient for there is still much to do to achieve gender equality. In parallel to education, actions for promoting equality should be implemented. These actions should aim at making gender violence visible, illustrating what violence means and implementing as many actions as necessary to hinder men to act violently against women. It may be concluded that this research might be an important departure point to start applying positive actions to reshape the beliefs and perceptions of undergraduate students to make them aware of the importance of detecting violent behaviors in order to act accordingly to the situation.
The original justification for Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 July 1998 on the Legal Protection of Biotechnological Inventions (the Directive) was to promote the growth of the European life science sector by harmonizing and clarifying European biotechnology patent laws. As early as 1985, the European Commission had identified the fragmentation of European patent laws as a potential problem. The Directive thus aimed to address obstacles to the unity of the internal market, which would arise if national Member States adopted divergent and uncoordinated policies and legislation in a field of economic activity that had been earmarked as poised for spectacular growth. The Commission further identified the lack of guidance within the European Patent Convention 1973 (EPC) on how its provisions were to be applied to biotechnological inventions meant that researchers were unsure if their work could be legally protected within Europe. The Commissions concerns were lent greater political urgency by three significant events that combined to establish the dominance of the United States (U.S.) biotechnology industry. First, biology researchers in the U.S. were increasingly developing new techniques that had substantial commercial application. Second, the U.S. Congress created the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit to promote greater uniformity in the application of patent law and to reduce the possibility of forum shopping by parties seeking favorable courts. Thirdly, the landmark Supreme Court ruling in Diamond, Commissioner of Patents and Trademarks v Chakrabarty, took an important step towards patent liberalization by stating that living matter was not excluded as a 'product of nature' and that patents shall be available for 'anything under the sun made by man'. It was not long after the Chakrabarty decision that the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) began issuing patents on gene fragments, transgenic bacteria, and cell lines expressing DNA sequences producing therapeutically useful proteins. A trend had been for European companies to move their biotechnology research from the European Union (EU) to the U.S. because they regarded the commercial and legal climate there as more encouraging. The Commission concluded that European biotechnology patent laws should be clarified and harmonized in order to provide the incentives and legal certainty required for the biotechnology industry to flourish. Given the nature of the objectives pursued, one might have expected that the drafting of the Directive would be a relatively straightforward administrative exercise in harmonizing the legal criteria of novelty, inventive step, and industrial application in the context of biotechnological inventions. Indeed, the first draft of the Directive framed the problem solely in these terms with the legal standards proposed largely reflecting the more permissive approach of the USPTO. The project soon ran into difficulties. The Directive differs in a key way from the approach of the U.S., as it establishes a prominent role for 'morality' as an evaluative criterion within European patent law. This unique stance emerged during extensive discussions between the Parliament, the Commission, and the Council, and was a political concession to the view expressed by the Parliament that the patenting of biological materials, in particular those of human origin, raises important ethical and social concerns. Attempts to address these anxieties resulted, inter alia, in the inclusion of a 'morality clause' in article 6 of the Directive. article 6(1) provides that inventions shall be considered unpatentable where their commercial exploitation would be contrary to ordre public or morality. article 6(2), intended to clarify how the general morality exclusion in article 6(1) should be applied, contains a list of specific examples of biotechnology inventions that are excluded from patentability on moral grounds. Ironically, it has been article 6(2) that has been the source of great uncertainties in the years since the Directive was enacted. In particular, questions regarding how article 6(2)(c), which excludes 'uses of human embryos for industrial or commercial purposes' from patentability, should be applied in relation to patent applications for inventions concerning human embryonic stem cells (hESCs) have given rise to long-running legal, ethical, and policy debates. The debate revolves around the fact that article 6(2)(c) is silent with regard to hESCs. This is because the first ever isolation of hESCs from an embryo was reported four months after the adoption of the Directive. Although the Directive was 'addressed' only to EU Member States, the European Patent Office (EPO), which is independent of the EU, voluntarily incorporated the Directive's rules within the EPC. Thus moral exclusions are now a fixture of European patent law. Most patents in Europe are granted via the EPO; however, European patents must still be enforced in individual Member States who may interpret the Directive differently. Whereas the EPO has not granted any patents on hESC claims, an overview of EU Member States interpretation of article 6(2)(c) reveals a patchwork of permissive and restrictive regulatory policies towards the patentability of hESCs. In contrast to Europe, U.S. patent law contains no statutory basis for the USPTO or a court to deny patent protection to morally controversial biotech subject matter. The U.S. has adopted probably the most liberal patenting policies on stem cell research, with the USPTO granting in excess of forty-one patents that claim hESCs in their title and front pages. The purpose of this paper is to consider whether the inconsistent application of the EU Biotechnology Directive's moral exclusion clause could undermine investor confidence in Europe, providing a competitive advantage to the U.S. Understanding the science is essential for engaging in knowledgeable debate about the ethical issues surrounding hESCs. Part II provides an analysis of the biology that underpins the human embryo setting out the crucial distinction between totipotent and pluripotent hESCs. In Part III our attention turns to pre Directive jurisprudence under article 53(a) EPC, where the EPO showed a willingness to interpret the moral exclusion clause in a narrow manner that afforded patent protection to controversial biotechnology inventions. It was against the EPC framework and the jurisprudence emerging from the EPO that the Commission conceived the need for European biotechnology patent laws to be clarified and harmonized. Part IV charts the troublesome enactment and transposition of the Biotechnology Directive that exposed inherent European conflicts regarding patent protection for biotechnological inventions concerning 'living matter' of human origin. In Part V our focus turns to the subsequent emergence of hESC technology, providing an analysis of the post Directive EPO decision in Edinburgh Patent which set a precedent for the recent decision in Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation (WARF) where the EPO moved away from its pre Directive narrow approach embracing a broad interpretation of the moral exclusion clause setting out a restrictive policy on the patentability of hESCs. Part VI analyses the patentability of hESCs at the national level, comparing the relatively permissive United Kingdom (UK) and Swedish regulatory approaches to the more restrictive German regime, a comparison that raises interesting questions as to the legal certainty of biotechnology inventions claiming hESCs within Europe. In Part VII our attention turns to the patentability of hESCs in the U.S. This section of the paper begins with an analysis of the Constitutional basis of U.S. patent law prior to setting out the link between 'utility' and 'morality' in U.S. patent law. Part VII then considers the liberation of U.S. patent law, the application of the Thirteenth Amendment to biotechnological inventions, along with the rejection of the doctrine of moral utility before finally examining the recent full frontal attack on biotechnology patents in the U.S. and the reinstatement of federal funding for hESC research.
El presente trabajo busca examinar la manera como la educación en los años cincuenta del siglo XX, fundamentada a partir de la enseñanza de la historia patria, la educación cívica y la religión, en el municipio de Puebloviejo (hoy Aquitania, en Boyacá), incidió en la conformación de la sociedad, durante los años de la violencia, 1946-1965. Esto es, durante el periodo de los gobiernos conservadores de Ospina Pérez y Laureano Gómez, la dictadura de Rojas Pinilla y las dos primeras administraciones del Frente Nacional. Así, se considera al sistema educativo, a partir de la enseñanza de las tres disciplinas mencionadas, como fundamento de la conformación social, política y económica de un municipio de Boyacá (aun cuando el sistema educativo redundaría en el ámbito nacional), y que contribuiría a legitimar un orden social existente: la desigualdad social y económica, mediante los postulados de la historia, la educación cívica y la religión. Para ello, se parte del análisis de la sociedad del Puebloviejo de los años ochentas, caracterizada por un extremo individualismo, aun entre miembros de la sociedad anteriormente excluidos. Ese individualismo estaría dado por el auge económico del monocultivo de la cebolla larga, introducido a mediados de la década de los años sesenta, el cual contribuyó "liberar" a gran parte de la sociedad que permanecía sujeta a los patrones, sin remuneración salarial durante los años cincuenta. Esta distinción individualista conllevó una amplia diferenciación social y económica, cuyo origen se advertiría en la desigual distribución y tenencia de la tierra, donde una minoría ostentaba grandes propiedades, mientras la mayoría carecía de ésta o disponía de pequeñas propiedades. Aun más, la característica primaria en la tenencia de la tierra de una importante fracción de la sociedad se hizo patente en el minifundio, el cual, con el cambio en la producción agrícola en los años sesenta, se expresaría en el alto valor de la tierra, así como en los conflictos que surgirían por el corrimiento de linderos. En tal virtud, se parte de hacer un análisis del presente para indagar en el pasado sus orígenes, como parece desprenderse de la propuesta de investigación histórica de Josep Fontana. Al mismo tiempo, la pretensión del trabajo es la de partir del examen de una realidad nacional para llegar a una realidad local, pues se deduce que el sistema educativo imperante en la época de estudio cubría la totalidad del país, y que redundaría en la concepción de la realidad de un grupo social específico. Por tanto, el trabajo se inscribe en el ámbito de la historia de la educación, no ajena de la ideología política ni de los conflictos sociales y religiosos, los cuales influyen en la conformación social, económica y cultural de un pueblo. En este sentido, el trabajo recurre al método histórico, en investigación, a la vez que emplea algunas fuentes orales para corroborar y confrontar algunos datos bibliográficos. ; Abstract. The purpose of the current work is to examine how education in the fifties of the twentieth century, based on the teaching of homeland history, civic education and religion, in the municipality of Puebloviejo (today Aquitania, in Boyacá), affected the conformation of society, during the years of violence, 1946-1965. That is, during the period of Ospina Perez' and Laureano Gómez' conservative governments, Rojas Pinilla's dictatorship and the two first National Front administrations. Thus, the educational system, based on the teaching of the three disciplines mentioned above, is considered the foundation of the social, political and economic conformation of a municipality of Boyacá (even though the educational system would be national), and that would contribute to legitimize an existing social order: social and economic inequality, through the postulates of history, civic education and religion. To do this, we start with the analysis of the Puebloviejo society in the 1980s, characterized by extreme individualism, even among previously excluded members of society. This individualism would be due to the economic boom of the spring onion monoculture, introduced in the mid- 1960s, which contributed to "release" a large part of the society which remained subject to the bosses, without salary remuneration during the fifties. This individualistic distinction entailed a wide social and economic differentiation, whose origin would be noticed in the unequal distribution and possession of land, where a minority boasted great properties, while most of the people lacked of land or had small properties. Moreover, the primary characteristic of the land possession of an important fraction of society was evident in the minifundio (small plots), which would be expressed in the high value of the land, with the change of the agricultural production in the 1960s, as well as in the conflicts that would arise by the landslide. In this way, the starting point is the analysis of the present to investigate its origins in the past, as it can be deduced from Josep Fontana's historical research proposal. At the same time, the pretension of this work is to start from the examination of a national reality to reach a local one, since it is inferred that the educational system which prevailed in the time of the study covered the entire country, and would redound to the conception of the reality by a specific social group. Therefore, the work is part of education history, connected to political ideology and social and religious conflicts, which influence the social, economic and cultural conformation of a town. In this sense, the work uses the historical method in research, while using some oral sources to corroborate and confront some bibliographic data. Following these presuppositions, and taking into account that the education of the fifties influenced the conception of the world (and even the cultural conformation), of society, starting with the teaching of fatherland history, Civic education and religion, displacing the community values acquired during the Liberal governments of the 1930s, and generating gradually an intolerant society, is the manner to seek how this process was implemented. In this direction, the work is divided into four parts, which look for the answer to the question raised a a guide of this work: in the period of Violence (1946-1965) how political and religious ideology affected the school and its educational programs, contributing to the transformation and conformation of the present society of the municipality of Aquitaine, in the basin of the Lake of Tota, Boyacá? Thus, the three initial chapters attempt to warn and show the process of formation of an intolerant society, which would take place at the national level and reach the local one, which are in this case the towns of Boyacá. That process would begin in the full Liberal Republic, through the attack to the clergy, the intelligentsia and the conservative party, in Laureano Gómez' leading voice, to the constitutional reform of 1936. This process should also be reinforced through the educational system that became confessional based on the educational counter-reform of 1948 and 1950, which sought to increase the hours of homeland history, civic education and religion in education, and whose contents were imbued of exclusion and intolerance. The hard attack that the liberal government faced during the sixteen years of administration by conservatism and clergy, as well as the confessional educational Counter-reformation, led to the fragmentation and ideological polarization of society, whose differences would be expressed in violence, with a probable balance of more than three hundred thousand victims. To conclude it can be said that the four parts that make up this work have as a purpose to explain how the educational system of the 1950s helped to the formation of an intolerant society, while contributing to legitimize a social and economic inequality in the towns of Boyacá. In that sense, the school did not release, but subdued the society at the expense of interests which were diluted among political ideology, religious beliefs and economic interests of a minority. ; Maestría
Aims. We present a multiwavelength study of an atypical submillimeter galaxy, GH500.30, in the GOODS-North field, with the aim to understand its physical properties of stellar and dust emission, as well as the central active galactic nucleus (AGN) activity. Although it is shown that the source is likely an extremely dusty galaxy at high redshift, its exact position of submillimeter emission is unknown. Methods. We use NOEMA observation at 1.2 mm with subarcsecond resolution to resolve the dust emission, and precisely localize the counterparts at other wavelengths, which allows us to better constrain its stellar and dust spectral energy distribution (SED) as well as redshift. We carry out the new near-infrared (NIR) photometry of GH500.30 observed with HST, and perform panchromatic SED modelling from ultraviolet (UV)/optical to submillimeter. We derive the photometric redshift using both NIR and far-infrared (FIR) SED modeling, and place constraints on the stellar and dust properties such as stellar mass, age, dust attenuation, IR luminosity, and star-formation rate (SFR). The AGN properties are inferred from the X-ray spectral analysis and radio observations, and its contribution to the total IR luminosity is estimated from the broadband SED fittings using MAGPHYS. Results. With the new NOEMA interferometric imaging, we confirm that the source is a unique dusty galaxy. It has no obvious counterpart in the optical and even NIR images observed with HST at λ ≲ 1.4 μm. Photometric-redshift analyses from both stellar and dust SED suggest it to likely be at z ≳ 4, though a lower redshift at z ≳ 3.1 cannot be fully ruled out (at 90% confidence interval). Explaining its unusual optical-to-NIR properties requires an old stellar population (∼0.67 Gyr), coexisting with a very dusty ongoing starburst component. The latter is contributing to the FIR emission, with its rest-frame UV and optical light being largely obscured along our line of sight. If the observed fluxes at the rest-frame optical/NIR wavelengths were mainly contributed by old stars, a total stellar mass of ∼3.5 × 1011 M⊙ would be obtained. An X-ray spectral analysis suggests that this galaxy harbors a heavily obscured AGN with NH = 3.3+2.0−1.7 × 1023 cm−2 and an intrinsic 2–10 keV luminosity of Lx ∼ 2.6 × 1044 erg s−1, which places this object among distant type 2 quasars. The radio emission of the source is extremely bright, which is an order of magnitude higher than the star-formation-powered emission, making it one of the most distant radio-luminous dusty galaxies. Conclusions. The combined characteristics of the galaxy suggest that the source appears to have been caught in a rare but critical transition stage in the evolution of submillimeter galaxies, where we are witnessing the birth of a young AGN and possibly the earliest stage of its jet formation and feedback. ; This work is supported by the Chinese NSF through grant 11573001 and 11822301, National Basic Research Program 2015CB857005, the Sino-French LIA-Origin joint exchange program and Anhui Provincial NSF (1608085QA06). Y.Q.X. acknowledges support from the 973 Program (2015CB857004), NSFC-11473026, NSFC-11421303, and the CAS Frontier Science Key Research Program (QYZDJ-SSW-SLH006). D.L. acknowledges funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No. 694343). Y.H. acknowledges support from NSFC-11773063.
Text in English ; Abstract: English and Turkish ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-158) ; xi, 159 leaves ; This study takes the tweets shared by 45th president of the United States Donald Trump and Italian populist leader Matteo Salvini throughout 2018, to conduct a manual comparative content analysis in order to identify the main characteristics of their antiimmigration discourse on social media. The analysis aims to answer the following research question: How did Donald Trump and Matteo Salvini use Twitter as a platform for antiimmigration discourse in 2018? The ultimate goal is to consider the two leaders' anti-immigration discourse in order to identify the specific textual elements and emotional tone used to mention immigration and refugees in order to recognize the dominant frames and narratives employed. This includes the attempt to also determine the emotional tone, attitudes and opinions used to address immigration and immigrants by both leaders. The results indicate that the online anti-immigration discourse of the two political leaders included the identification of immigrants as an economic burden, as potential threats and, in general, as scapegoats of different issues. Few recent studies have addressed the characteristics of online popülist communication in relation to a specific topic, especially not through the manual comparative content analysis of two political leaders coming from very different backgrounds. The purpose of this research is to fill this gap by supplying a framework for the analysis of the populist anti-immigration discourse on social media. This work suggests that social media can be used as a tool by populist leaders to construct an antiimmigration discourse that relies on the creation of a hostile narrative, a derogatory language and occasional mockery. ; Bu çalışma, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin 45. Başkanı Donald Trump ve İtalyan popülist lider Matteo Salvini'nin 2018 yılı boyunca paylaştığı tweetleri ele alarak sosyal medyadaki göçmenlik karşıtı söylemlerinin temel özelliklerini belirlemek için manuel bir karşılaştırmalı içerik analizi yapmıştır. Bu tezin dayandığı araştırma sorusu şu şekilde ifade edilebilir: Donald Trump ve Matteo Salvini, 2018'de göçmenlik karşıtı söylemler için Twitter'ı bir platform olarak nasıl kullandı? Araştırmanın amacı, kullanılan dominant çerçeveleri ve anlatıları ortaya çıkarmak, göç ve mültecilerden bahsederken kullanılan spesifik metinsel unsurları ve duygusal tonu belirleyebilmek için iki liderin göçmenlik karşıtı söylemini analiz etmektir. Buna her iki liderin göç ve göçmenlere ilişkin olarak kullandığı dil ve bu dilin duygusal tonu ile, tutumları ve görüşleri belirleme girişimi de dahildir. Araştırma, iki siyasi liderin göçmenlere ilişkin çevrimiçi söyleminin göçmenleri ekonomik bir yük, potansiyel bir güvenlik tehditi ve genel olarak tüm sorunların günah keçisi olarak çerçevelenmesine dayandığını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Son zamanlarda yapılan az sayıdaki araştırma, spesifik konulardaki popülist iletişim özelliklerine atıfta bulunmuş, ancak bunu özellikle çok farklı sosyal altyapılardan gelen iki siyasi liderin sosyal medya paylaşımlarının kıyaslamalı içerik analizi yöntemini kullanarak yapmamıştır. Bu araştırmanın amacı, sosyal medyadaki popülist göç karşıtı söylemin analizi için bir çerçeve sağlayarak bu boşluğu doldurmaktır. ; POPULISM ; Origins and Main Attributes ; Modern Populism and Different Interpretations ; Italy ; Matteo Salvini ; The United States ; Donald Trump ; SOCIAL MEDIA ; Innovations: Potential and Limitations ; Social Media, Populism and The Emotional Dimension ; The Italian Case ; The American Case ; Fake News, Hate Speech, Disinformation ; MIGRATION ; The Criminalization Of Humanitarian Actors and Solidarity ; The Securitization of Migration ; The Ties Between Populism and Immigration ; METHODOLOGY ; Research Component and Research Methodology ; Research Question ; Data ; First Stage Analysis: Matteo Salvini ; Second Stage Analysis: Donald Trump ; Reliability and Validity ; RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ; Analysis of Matteo Salvini's Tweets ; Analysis of Donald Trump's Tweets ; Discussion
Türkiye, NATO bünyesinde ortak güvenliğini güçlendirmek ve bölgesel savunmasına destek sağlamak maksadıyla 1954 yılında çıkarılan kanunla Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ile karşılıklı işbirliği dengesi kurmuştur. Türkiye, Waşington Antlaşması kapsamında savunmaya yönelik olmak suretiyle muhtelif yerlerde ABD'ye bazı imkânlar tanırken askerî envanter ve eğitim alanlarında da ABD'nin yardımlarından yararlanmıştır. Ancak 1974 Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı sonrasında ABD'de Türkiye aleyhinde kampanyalar yürütülmüştür. Bu kampanyalar neticesinde Türkiye, ABD Kongresinde bazı etnik grupların girişimleriyle NATO ittifakına uymayacak yaptırımlara maruz kalmıştır. Kıbrıs meselesi ve Türk -Yunan ihtilâfındaki meseleler üzerinden politik bakımından Türkiye'yi zor durumda bırakmak, Türkiye'nin Amerikan yapımı teçhizata bağımlı olan Türk savunmasını sınırlandırmak ve hatta dondurmak amacıyla Türkiye'ye 1975 yılında silah ambargosu uygulanmıştır. Ambargo kararına Türkiye'de siyasi, askeri ve sivil çevreler, sert tepki göstermiştir. Dönemin Türk Hükümeti tarafından Ambargo kararına misilleme olarak İncirlik dışında Türkiye'deki bazı tesislerin faaliyetleri durdurulmuştur. ABD kongresinde alınan bu Ambargo kararının arkasındaki en büyük itici güç, şüphesiz Yunan Lobisi olmuştur. Ancak bu etnik lobi dışında bu karara destek veren ABD'deki diğer en büyük etnik lobi olarak bilinen Yahudi lobisi, dikkatlerden kaçmıştır. Yahudi Lobisinin İsrail'in Türkiye ile olan ilişkilerini zor duruma sokacak bu kampanyaya destek vermesi, dönemin siyasi otoriteleri tarafından ön görülmemiştir. Diğer taraftan bu kararın Yunanistan'ın askerî bakımından rahatlamasını ve Ege Denizinde hava ve deniz üstünlüğünü sağlamasına da imkân yaratacak bir karara Yahudi lobisinin destek vermesi şaşkınlıkla karşılanmıştır. Yahudi lobisinin bu karara destek vermesinin Türkiye'nin Arap dünyası ile ilişkilerinden mi yoksa ABD'nin İsrail'e rağmen Arap dünyası ile işbirliklerinden mi kaynaklandığı soruları da cevapsız kalmıştır. Bu çalışmada 1975 yılında yaşanan bu olayları, tespit edebilmek için dönemin İngiliz Dış İlişkiler Ofisi'nin resmî yazışmaları, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhuriyet Senatosu ve TBMM tutanakları dönemin basını gözden geçirilerek bu sorulara cevaplar aranacaktır. ; Turkey has established, to strengthen the common security within NATO and with the aim of providing support to regional defense, a balance of mutual cooperation with the United States since 1954. Turkey, the United States has provided some opportunities in some places covered by the NATO Treaty. Turkey, the military inventory in the field of education and has benefited from US assistance. However, as a result of the initiatives of some groups in the United States Congress, it was subjected to sanctions that would not comply with the NATO alliance. The Cyprus issue and Turkish-Greek political terms because of the issues in dispute to leave Turkey in the lurch, American origin to limit the defense of Turkey in order to freeze and arms embargo on Turkey even been implemented. Following the embargo decision, the activities of some facilities were suspended by the Demirel Government. Turkey in the political, military and civilian circles, gave a great response to the decision embargo. The Greek Lobby was undoubtedly the main driving force in the approval of the embargo decision. However, apart from this ethnic lobby, another group that supports this decision is the Jewish lobby. In fact, when considered in the context of Israel's relations with Turkey, this support is unprecedented front. Moreover, Turkey is in terms of this resolution and to provide relief from the terms of Greece's military air and naval superiority in the Aegean Sea will create opportunities were taken aback considered as a decision to support the Jewish lobby. Is that the Jewish lobby in Turkey's relations with the Arab world to support this decision or that originates from Israel despite United States relations with the Arab world will be thoroughly evaluated in this study. In this study, in order to determine these events that took place in 1975, the official correspondence of the period, the minutes of the parliament and the press were reviewed and a conclusion was reached.
The authors acknowledge the financial support of the funding agencies: Agence Nationale de la Recherche (contract ANR-15-CE31-0020), Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), Commission Europeenne (FEDER fund and Marie Curie Program), Institut Universitaire de France (IUF), LabEx UnivEarthS (ANR-10-LABX-0023 and ANR-18-IDEX-0001), Paris Ile-de-France Region, France; Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation of Georgia (SRNSFG, FR-18-1268), Georgia; Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), Germany; The General Secretariat of Research and Technology (GSRT), Greece; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), Ministero dell'Universita e della Ricerca (MIUR), PRIN 2017 program (Grant NAT-NET 2017W4HA7S) Italy; Ministry of Higher Education Scientific Research and Professional Training, ICTP through Grant AF-13, Morocco; Nederlandse organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), the Netherlands; The National Science Centre, Poland (2015/18/E/ST2/00758); National Authority for Scientific Research (ANCS), Romania; Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovacion, Investigacion y Universidades (MCIU): Programa Estatal de Generacion de Conocimiento (refs. PGC2018-096663-B-C41, -A-C42, -B-C43, -B-C44) (MCIU/FEDER), Generalitat Valenciana: Prometeo (PROMETEO/2020/019), Grisolia (ref. GRISOLIA/2018/119) and GenT (refs. CIDEGENT/2018/034,/2019/043,/2020/049) programs, Junta de Andalucia (ref. A-FQM-053-UGR18), La Caixa Foundation (ref. LCF/BQ/IN17/11620019), EU: MSC program (ref. 101025085), Spain. ; KM3NeT/ORCA is a next-generation neutrino telescope optimised for atmospheric neutrino oscillations studies. In this paper, the sensitivity of ORCA to the presence of a light sterile neutrino in a 3+1 model is presented. After three years of data taking, ORCA will be able to probe the active-sterile mixing angles theta(14), theta(24), theta(34) and the effective angle theta(mu e), over a broad range of mass squared difference Delta m(41)(2) similar to [10(-5), 10] eV(2), allowing to test the eV-mass sterile neutrino hypothesis as the origin of short baseline anomalies, as well as probing the hypothesis of a very light sterile neutrino, not yet constrained by cosmology. ORCA will be able to explore a relevant fraction of the parameter space not yet reached by present measurements. ; French National Research Agency (ANR) ; European Commission ANR-15-CE31-0020 ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; Commission Europeenne (FEDER fund) ; Commission Europeenne (Marie Curie Program) ; Institut Universitaire de France (IUF) ; LabEx UnivEarthS ANR-10-LABX-0023 ANR-18-IDEX-0001 ; Paris Ile-de-France Region, France ; Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation of Georgia (SRNSFG), Georgia FR-18-1268 ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), Ministero dell'Universita e della Ricerca (MIUR) ; PRIN 2017 program, Italy NAT-NET 2017W4HA7S ; Ministry of Higher Education Scientific Research and Professional Training ; ICTP, Morocco AF-13 ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) ; Netherlands Government ; National Science Centre, Poland 2015/18/E/ST2/00758 ; National Authority for Scientific Research (ANCS), Romania ; Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovacion, Investigacion y Universidades (MCIU): Programa Estatal de Generacion de Conocimiento PGC2018-096663-B-C41 PGC2018-096663-A-C42 PGC2018-096663-B-C43 PGC2018-096663-B-C44 ; Generalitat Valenciana PROMETEO/2020/019 ; Grisolia program GRISOLIA/2018/119 ; GenT program CIDEGENT/2018/034 CIDEGENT/2019/043 CIDEGENT/2020/049 ; Junta de Andalucia A-FQM-053-UGR18 ; La Caixa Foundation LCF/BQ/IN17/11620019 ; EU: MSC program, Spain 101025085
Este artigo tem como tema a comunicação oficial de crise da Presidência da República Portuguesa (PRP) durante os incêndios florestais que aconteceram nos meses de junho e de outubro de 2017, conhecidos, respetivamente, como "tragédia de Pedrógão Grande" e "incêndios de outubro". Os incêndios de 2017 foram os mais nefastos da história de Portugal e receberam uma grande cobertura dos média internacionais. Naquele ano, Portugal foi o país que mais sofreu com os fogos, de acordo com o relatório da União Europeia (2018), tendo sido responsável por, aproximadamente, 90% das mortes causadas por incêndios. O principal fundamento teórico do estudo é a teoria situacional de comunicação de crise (TSCC) (Coombs, 2007). Na TSCC, Coombs (2007) identificou as variáveis envolvidas numa crise e apresentou as estratégias de resposta mais adequadas a serem aplicadas a cada tipo de crise. Por meio do método da análise do discurso, descrevemos e comparamos a comunicação da Presidência da República Portuguesa na gestão dessas duas crises de origens semelhantes (incêndios florestais) separadas por apenas quatro meses (junho e outubro de 2017). A nossa intenção é contribuir para a compreensão das estratégias de resposta propostas por Coombs (2007) quando aplicadas a uma comunicação exclusivamente baseada no modelo de informação pública (Grunig & Hunt, 1984). A investigação concluiu que a PRP optou pela estratégia de gestão do significado (Coombs, 2015) com informações de ajuste e predominância das respostas reparativas primárias da categoria "reconstrução" e subcategoria "compensação", produzindo a resposta adequada segundo a TSCC (Coombs, 2007). No entanto, observamos que a comunicação de crise da PRP para os incêndios de 2017 é um caso em que as características pessoais do emissor e as variáveis – responsabilidade pela crise, histórico da crise e reputação relacional anterior – foram mais relevantes para a comunicação de crise do que as mensagens propriamente ditas. ; The theme of this article is the official crisis communication of the Portuguese Presidency (Presidência da República Portuguesa – PRP) during the forest fires that occurred in June and in October 2017, respectively known as the "tragedy of Pedrógão Grande" and the "October fires". The fires of 2017 were the most harmful in Portuguese history and received wide coverage in the international media. That year, Portugal was the country that most suffered with fires, according to an European Union report (2018), accounting for about 90% of deaths caused by this type of fire in the entire area covered by the report. The main theoretical basis of this study is situational crisis communication theory (SCCT) (Coombs, 2007). In SCCT, Coombs (2007) identified the variables involved in a crisis and presented the most appropriate response strategies to be applied to each crisis type. Through the discourse analysis method, we described and compared the Portuguese Presidency's communication on the management of these two crises of similar origins (forest fires), only four months apart (June and October 2017). Our aim is to contribute to an understanding of the response strategies proposed by Coombs (2007) when applied to communication exclusively based on the public information model (Grunig & Hunt, 1984). The research concluded that the PRP opted for the managing meaning strategy by adjusting information and predominance of the primary repair responses of the category "rebuild" and subcategory "compensation", producing an appropriate response according to SCCT (Coombs, 2007). However, we note that the PRP crisis communication for the 2017 fires is a case in which the personal characteristics of the sender and the variables – crisis responsibility, crisis history and prior relationship reputation – were more relevant to the effectiveness of crisis communication than the messages themselves.
19 pages, 9 figures, 1 table ; Aerosols are an integral part of the Arctic climate system due to their direct interaction with radiation and indirect interaction through cloud formation. Understanding aerosol size distributions and their dynamics is crucial for the ability to predict these climate relevant effects. When of favourable size and composition, both long-rangetransported-and locally formed particles-may serve as cloud condensation nuclei (CCN). Small changes of composition or size may have a large impact on the low CCN concentrations currently characteristic of the Arctic environment. We present a cluster analysis of particle size distributions (PSDs; size range 8-500 nm) simultaneously collected from three high Arctic sites during a 3-year period (2013-2015). Two sites are located in the Svalbard archipelago: Zeppelin research station (ZEP; 474 m above ground) and the nearby Gruvebadet Observatory (GRU; about 2 km distance from Zeppelin, 67 m above ground). The third site (Villum Research Station at Station Nord, VRS; 30 m above ground) is 600 km west-northwest of Zeppelin, at the tip of northeastern Greenland. The GRU site is included in an inter-site comparison for the first time. K-means cluster analysis provided eight specific aerosol categories, further combined into broad PSD classes with similar characteristics, namely pristine low concentrations (12 %-14 % occurrence), new particle formation (16 %-32 %), Aitken (21 %-35 %) and accumulation (20 %-50 %). Confined for longer time periods by consolidated pack sea ice regions, the Greenland site GRU shows PSDs with lower ultrafine-mode aerosol concentrations during summer but higher accumulation-mode aerosol concentrations during winter, relative to the Svalbard sites. By association with chemical composition and cloud condensation nuclei properties, further conclusions can be derived. Three distinct types of accumulation-mode aerosol are observed during winter months. These are associated with sea spray (largest detectable sizes, > 400 nm), Arctic haze (main mode at 150 nm) and aged accumulation-mode (main mode at 220 nm) aerosols. In contrast, locally produced particles, most likely of marine biogenic origin, exhibit size distributions dominated by the nucleation and Aitken mode during summer months. The obtained data and analysis point towards future studies, including apportioning the relative contribution of primary and secondary aerosol formation pro cesses and elucidating anthropogenic aerosol dynamics and transport and removal processes across the Greenland Sea. In order to address important research questions in the Arctic on scales beyond a singular station or measurement events, it is imperative to continue strengthening international scientific cooperation ; This research has been supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy through project BIO-NUC (CGL2013-49020-R), PI-ICE (CTM2017-89117-R) and the Ramon y Cajal fellowship (RYC-2012-11922). The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 654109, the Danish Council for Independent Research (project NUMEN, DFF-FTP-4005-00485B) and previously from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement no. 262254. The work at Villum Research Station, Station Nord, was financially supported by the Danish Environmental Protection Agency via the MIKA/DANCEA funds for Environmental Support to the Arctic Region. The Villum Foundation funded the construction of Villum Research Station, Station Nord. CCN measurements are supported by a KOPRI program (PN19081), funded by a National Research Foundation of Korea grant (NRF-2016M1A5A1901769). The authors acknowledge financial support (to David C. S. Beddows) from the Natural Environment Research Council's funding of the National Centre for Atmospheric Science (NCAS) (grant number R8/H12/83/011) ; Peer Reviewed
The thesis proposes a study about the Italian exile in the year before the Unification of Italy, with a particular attention to the decade 1848-1859. The work aims to identify the protagonists of the Venetian exile that are mainly neglected by the historiography. The purpose of this work is to create a data-base in which catalogue, as completely as possibile, the informations about the financial conditions of the exiles after and before their comdamnation to the seizure of goods organizated by the Austrian from 1848 to 1857, the social status, the effectiveness or the ineffectiveness of the measures taken by the patriots to safeguard their goods and the the strategies prepared by the Austrian authorities to complete the seizure. The social and economical aspects of the exiles of the Risorgimento were for long time neglected and a cultural and political perspective was preferred. It is also important to underline that for the first time the exile became a massive phenomenon, involving any social class and age, not only the great aristocracy and the rich bourgeoisie. This essay is divided into four chapters: in the first is underline the argument of the origins of confiscation and seizure in Lombardy and Venetia during the modern age, through a detailed study of crucial moments, as the 1797 in Venice and the Napoleonic period. The second aims to show every measure taken by the Austrian administrations in the years between 1848 and 1857, with also an analysis of the years 1860-1866. The third and the fourth chapters are devoted to observe the work of the Austrian administration offices and the strategies and the real state of the exiles and their familes. ; La thèse est consacré à l'étude de l'exile italien dans les années précédentes la réalisation de l'unité nationale italienne, avec une attention toute particulière pour la décennie 1848-1859. Le travail vise en premier lieu à identifier les protagonistes vénitiens de l'exile qui représentent, dans ces années, des cas d'étude très intéressants et peu étudiés. Objectif du projet est de créer une base de données dans laquelle placer, aussi complètement que possible, les informations relatives aux patrimoines des exilés avant et après leur condamnation, leur statut social réel au sein de la Vénétie autrichienne, l'efficacité ou non des mesures prises par les patriotes dans la défense de leurs biens et ceux utilisés par la police pour effectuer des séquestres et des confiscations. Les aspects économiques et sociaux concernant les exilés du Risorgimento ont été longtemps négligés au profit d'une interprétation fort concentrée sur les éléments politiques, appuyée sur un récit vulgarisé dans lequel les Patriotes à l'étranger étaient, dans la grande majorité des cas, bourgeois ou d'extraction aristocratique, et qui prenait ainsi pour acquis leur situation financière. Le projet, développé en deux volets, se compose également de deux parties complémentaires, l'un dédiée à l'exil économique et social, l'autre à la relation entre ce phénomène et l'innovation soit dans le fonctionnement de la bureaucratie, soit dans la gestion des patrimoines et dans les stratégies adoptées pour les protéger. La première, qui vise à réaliser un inventaire aussi complet que possible des expatriés de la Vénétie autrichienne pendant la Risorgimento, s'inspire des méthodes d'histoire quantitative, sociale et culturelle, ainsi que d'une base de données modelée sur celles déjà mises en place pour l'étude des réfugiés en Piedmont après le 1848, à partir des fonds conservés aux Archives Nationales de Venise.
Türkiye, II. Dünya Savaşı ve sonrasında dış dünyayla yaşadığı siyasi, sosyal, ekonomik sorunlar neticesinde yalnız kalmıştı. SSCB, II. Dünya Savaşı'nın hemen ardından yayılma politikasına başlamış ve bu politikası gereği yayılma alanı içindeki Türkiye için büyük bir tehdit oluşturmaya başlamıştır. Bu yalnızlık politikasından kurtulmak için güçlü devletlerin yanında yer almak isteyen Türkiye Batı devletleri ve ABD ile birlikte hareket etmeyi istemiştir. Amerika ve İngiltere'nin kendi çıkarları sebebiyle bu iki ülke ile yakın ilişkiler kurmaya başlamıştır. Bu dönemde Türkiye'de yaşanan diğer bir gelişme ise çok partili hayata geçiş için çalışmalar başlatılması olmuştur. CHP'nin içinden çıkan Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Refik Koraltan ve Fuat Köprülü tarafından 7 Ocak 1946 yılında DP kurulmuştur. 14 Mayıs 1950 seçimleri ile Demokrat Parti iktidara gelince iktisadi politikada da değişiklikler yaşanmaya başladı. Demokrat Parti ile birlikte önceki dönemlerde istenilen kalkınmanın sağlanamadığı alanlarda neden başarılı olunamadığını araştırmak ve daha etkili kalkınmayı sağlamak için sosyal ve ekonomik alanlarda dış desteğin alınmasına daha fazla önem verilmeye başlandı. Bu yardımların kökeni 1947'deki Truman Doktrini ve ardından gündeme gelen 1948'deki Marshall Planına dayanmaktadır. 1950'li yıllarında Amerika'dan gönderilen uzmanlar çerçevesinde bir takım düzenlemelere gidilmiştir. Hilts, Thornburg, Barker raporlarında verilen tavsiyeler genel olarak ulaşım, ekonomi, eğitim, sosyal, sağlık, enerji, yeraltı ve yerüstü kaynakları gibi konulardan oluşmaktadır. Türkiye'nin isteği üzerine hazırlanan bu raporlardan Hilts genel içerik bakımından ulaşım alanında tavsiyelerde bulunmuştur. Öte yandan 1950 yılında sunulan Thornburg ve 1951 yılında hazırlanan Barker raporları da daha çok ekonomik ve sosyal alanda olmak üzere iktidarda bulunan Menderes hükümetine sunulmuştur. ; Turkey, II. World War After and lived with the outside world as a result of political, social, economic problems were left alone. The Soviet Union During World War Ii. In the immediate aftermath of II.WW started and the policy for the spread of this policy to create a major threat to Turkey within the span. It is able to get rid of loneliness policy States that Turkey wanted to buy a place beside the Western Nations and the United States wanted to work with. America and Britain because of their own interests, the two countries have started to establish close relationships with. Another development in this period, Turkey is party to have been the launch of the transition. CHP from Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Refik Koraltan and Fuad Köprülü by 7 January 1946 in DP on May 14, 1950, when it comes to power, the Democratic Party with the selections of economics began to experience changes in politics. The Democratic Party, along with the earlier periods can'nt be achieved the desired development cannot be successful in the field to investigate and to ensure more effective development support for the social and economic areas to be given more importance to external. The origin of this assistance in 1947 Truman doctrine and Marshall Plan in 1948, then based on the agenda. sent from America in the 1950 's a number of regulations within the framework of the experts. Hilts, Thornburg, Barker reports on the advice given in general, transportation, economy, education, social, health, energy, underground and above-ground sources like that. This report is prepared at the request of Turkey General advice in the field of transport in terms of content of Hilts. On the other hand, presented in 1950, Thornburg and worse, prepared in 1951 Barker reports including the economic and social area has been presented to the Government in power, Menderes.
Dissertação de Mestrado Integrado em Engenharia Electrotécnica e de Computadores apresentada à Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia ; Actualmente, sistemas de sensores remotos estão a entrar numa nova fase. Um aumento na procura de sistemas com capacidades multifuncionais e multibanda está a incentivar investigação e investimento em diversas áreas de indústria. Esta procura está a ser estimulada por avanços tecnológicos em diversas áreas tais como veículos autónomos, aplicações do sector de saúde e em aplicações de casas inteligentes. Os sistemas de radar estão a evoluir do seu formato tradicional de sistemas de medição de distância e velocidade. Contudo, esta nova vaga de interesse em sistemas de radar tem posto pressão nas tecnologias electrónicas tradicionais. Nomeadamente, nos osciladores eléctricos.O desempenho de radares de alta definação é dependente de factores tais como o nível de ruído de fase e da largura de banda do sinal radar. Sistemas de radar electrónicos sofrem de limitações na geração de portadoras de alta frequência e na geração de larguras de banda com tamanhos consideráveis. Estas limitações são ultrapassadas com a utilização de tecnologias fotónicas.Esta dissertação começa com a exploração das limitações dos sistemas de radar electrónicos. Essas limitações são apresentadas com testes realizados num modelo de simulação baseado numa arquitetura definida por software. Depois da análise e caracterização das limitações dos radares electrónicos, a solução destas limitações é apresentada através de sistemas radar suportados por tecnologias fotónicas.Os últimos capítulos desta dissertação apresentam o modelo de simulação implementado do sistema de radar suportado por fotónica. Vários testes de desempenho são apresentados e discutidos. Ao longo desta dissertação, os componentes e a arquitetura do radar fotónico e electrónico são apresentados e discutidos. A presença de ruído de fase é destacada, uma vez que é uma das principais origens de erros nos sistemas de radar. ; Recent years have seen growing pressure on the requirements for remote sensing systems. Radar systems have evolved from their traditional ranging and surveillance applications to a much broader spectrum of applications. They are now evolving toward a new era of multifunctional and multiband frequency operation. This change in perspective is being fueled by the advances made in various fields. These fields range from autonomous-vehicle industry to the healthcare industry. Recent legislature that allows the unlicensed use of the 77 GHz frequency band has also been another factor that has encouraged the development of high frequency radar systems. A need for fast high-resolution imaging is putting pressure on traditional electronic technologies. The lack of electronic systems which have the capacity of directly generating, processing and digitizing stable signals with higher central frequencies and larger bandwidths, has motivated research worldwide. Alternatives based on photonic systems have be proposed to overcome the challenges presented by traditional electronic radars. Efforts are now being focused on using the millimeter-wave (MMWave) band with photonic supported systems. By transitioning to the MMWave band, radar systems offer better spatial and temporal resolution.This dissertation begins by exploring the limitations of electronic radar systems. These limitations are presented with tests conducted on a simulation model based on a software defined architecture. Once the drawbacks of the electronic radar are exposed, an introduction to photonic supported radars is presented.Then, system tests on a simulation model of a photonic supported radar are conducted. Where various systems parameters are tested. With the conducted tests, performance degradation issues of the uplink are evaluated and studied.Throughout this dissertation, the components and architecture of the photonic and electronic radar are presented and discussed. The presence of phase noise is highlighted since it is one of the main origins of errors in radar systems.
Türklerin Kıbrıs'taki varlık mücadelesinde Türkiye'nin bu askeri müdahaleleri hayati bir öneme sahip olsa da Faiz Kaymak, Dr. Fazıl Küçük ve Rauf Raif Denktaş gibi siyasi aktörlerin yerel ve uluslararası çapta verdikleri mücadele büyük bir önem taşımaktadır. Özellikle Denktaş'ın Kıbrıs Davası ile özdeşleşen kimliği, yaşamı ve mücadelesi, Kıbrıs'taki Türklerin varlığının ayakta kalmasında özel bir öneme sahiptir. Denktaş, Kıbrıs'ta çeşitli kamu görevleri üstlenmesinden itibaren Kıbrıs Türk halkının varlığı ve bağımsızlığı için mücadele etmeye başlamış, bu mücadelesinde ilk başlarda savcılık ve benzeri kamu görevleri üstlenmiş, Ada'da Türklere karşı silahlı eylemlerin artmasıyla Türk Mukavemet Teşkilatı'nın kurucularından birisi olarak bir silahlı mücahit olarak yer almıştır. Daha sonra ise Türklerin kurduğu siyasi organizasyonlarda temsilcilik yapmış, müzakere ve görüşmelerde Türkleri temsil etmiş nihayetinde 1973'ten itibaren Kıbrıs Türklerinin benzersiz lideri olarak Kıbrıs Davası'nın bayraktarlığını yapmıştır. Bütün bunlara karşın Kıbrıs sorununun çözümünde yeni bir aşamayı temsil eden Annan Planı'nın hayata geçirilmesi sürecinde Denktaş çözümün önündeki bir engel olarak görülmüş ve başta Türkiye olmak üzere bütün taraflarca müzakerelerden çekilmeye zorlanmıştır. Denktaş'a yönelik bu zorlamalarda gerek Türkiye'den gerekse de uluslararası platformdan hem siyasi çevreler hem de medya yer almış, hatta bunların tamamı yakın bir iş birliği içerisinde hareket etmiştir. Bu çalışmada Annan Planı'nın tartışıldığı dönemde Denktaş'a yönelik olarak yürütülen karalama kampanyası ele alınmıştır. Araştırma bütünlüğü içerisinde Denktaş'ın Kıbrıs Davası için ifade ettiği önemi ortaya koyması açısından öncelikle Kıbrıs sorununun tarihi, Türklerin sivil ve askeri mücadelesi, bu mücadelede Denktaş'ın rolü, Denktaş'ın genel olarak sivil ve siyasi yaşamı ayrı ayrı ele alınmıştır. Ayrıca Annan Planı geniş bir şekilde ele alınırken bu Plan'ın tartışıldığı günlerde Denktaş'a karşı yürütülen kampanya ve nihayetinde gelinen nokta da çalışmanın içerik ve kapsamına uygun olarak tartışılmıştır. ; Although these military interventions made by Turkey were vitally important for the presence of Turks on the island, struggles of some political actors such as Faiz Kaymak, Dr. Fazıl Küçük and Rauf Raif Denktaş in national and international arena are also of great importance. In particular, Denktaş's identity, life and struggle identified with Turkish Cypriot Cause has a special importance for the survival of Turkish Cypriots. From the time Denktaş assumed several civil services in Cyprus, he started to struggle for the existence and sovereignty of Turkish people on the island. He, at first, worked as an accomplished barrister and undertook some other similar civil services, then helped establish Turkish Resistance Movement (TMT) and struggled as an armed mujaheed as a result of the increased pressure and armed attacks against Turks on the island. Later, he led political organizations founded by the Turks, represented Turkish Cypriots in negotiations and agreements, and eventually, played a leading role in Cyprus Cause as an irreplaceable leader of Turkish Cypriots since 1973. Despite all his endeavours for consolidation of Turkish Cypriots' rights, during the implementation process of Annan Plan which was thought to be a new phase for the Cyprus problem, Denktaş was seen as an obstacle for the settlement of the problem and was forced to withdraw from negotiations notably by Turkey and all other parties. Political circles and media organs both in Turkey and international platforms all took part in the coercion process of Denktaş and most of them acted together. This study discussed smear campaign mounted against Denktaş during the period when Annan Plan was on the agenda in international policy. As well as revealing Denktaş's importance for Cyprus Cause, the study addressed the origin of the Cyprus problem, the Turk's civil and military struggles, Denktaş's role in these struggles and Denktaş's civil and political life in general. In addition, Annan Plan, the campaign launched against Denktaş during the time when the plan was discussed and their consequences were also analyzed in detail in compliance with the content and scope of the study.
