Suchergebnisse

Während Frankreichs Interessen im Tschadkonflikt vor allem im militärischen Bereich liegen (zweitwichtigste Militärbasis in Afrika), ist Libyen an der Ausweitung seines islamischen Sozialismus und an der eigenen militärischen Stärkung gelegen. Nigerias Interesse an sicheren Grenzen kann nur gewehrt bleiben, wenn es als Vermittler zwischen den kriegführenden Parteien auftritt und einen Friedensprozeß einleitet. (DÜI-Spe)

This encyclopedia brings together leading scholars to provide the most comprehensive and up-to-date resource on African politics ever produced. In over 100 peer-reviewed entries, readers will find authoritative overviews of the key methodologies and approaches, as well as all of the major topics in African politics, one of the fastest growing and most dynamic areas of political science

AUTHOR DISCUSSES THREE MAJOR PROBLEMS CONFRONTING THE TEACHER OF AFRICAN POLITICS: THE SIZE AND VARIETY OF THE CONTINENT; THE LANGUAGE AND CONCEPTS OF PEDAGOGY; AND THE QUESTION OF ETHICS. THE WESTERN AND EASTERN PERSPECTIVES WHICH ARE OVERLAYED ONTO A UNIQUE AFRICAN EXPERIENCE OF POLITICS ARE OUTLINED; AND FOUR MAIN APPROACHES TO TEACHING AFRICAN POLITICS ARE DISCUSSED.

"Diasporas and the Transnationalization of African Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

An ironic feature of contemporary South African politics is that while the organisations representing Black Consciousness (BC) ideas remain weak and fragmented, a revival in BC ideas, values and practices in official and civil society discourses seems evident. BC organisations dominated anti-apartheid politics in the 1970s, but their startling decline, particularly their weakened state under post-1994 democracy, calls out for analytical attention. In the 1999 and 2004 elections, the Azanian People's Organisation (Azapo) was the leading BC organisation. Together with the smaller Socialist Party of Azania (Sopa), Azapo received dismal support. Moreover, Azapo has split into three smaller organisations. Efforts to merge the three have so far faltered. One cannot conclude, however, that the obvious failure of BC political parties to challenge the ANC and the historically white political parties at the polls means that we should dismiss these organisations' ideologies as ineffective and lacking in influence. The resurgence of BC ideas at the level of civil society, at a time when we might expect BC to be anachronistic, is intriguing. It is also the subject of this chapter.

Within the past few years military coups have ended civil rule in ten African nations. These events, and similar earlier upheavals in the Sudan and East Africa, indicate the intense strain which their politics are enduring. Should social scientists remain mute while this process continues throughout the continent? Are there no general principles of political science and comparative political history which can be utilised to assist the new states to adjust, to control their social environments, and to avoid the abyss of authoritarianism? A potential alliance of military and bureaucratic élites in guiding the political destiny of much of Africa must now be viewed as probable.

TO BE A POLITICAL LEADER IN MANY PARTS OF THE WORLD IS TO FOLLOW AN EXTREMELY HAZARDOUS AND INSECURE OCCUPATION. IN ADDITION, IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA THE ELEMENT OF PERSONAL DANGER EXISTS IN A PARTICULARLY ACUTE FORM. WITHOUT CLAIMING ANY GREAT STATISTICAL PRECISION, THIS ARTICLE PRESENTS A BROAD COMPARATIVE ACCOUNT OF THE DANGERS ATTACHED TO POSITIONS OF POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN POST-INDEPENDENCE BLACK AFRICA.