Bosnia and Herzegovina: post-conflict reconstruction
In: Country case study series
In: Operations evaluation studies
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In: Country case study series
In: Operations evaluation studies
In: Forced migration review, Heft 33, S. 22-24
ISSN: 1460-9819
Fourteen years after the war's end, renewed national and international efforts are needed to complete the work of securing durable solutions for IDPs. Adapted from the source document.
The article analyzes international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and assesses the effects it has had on political developments and democratization in the country. The paper is especially focused on mapping the ongoing debate among policy analysts over the benefits of direct and proactive international intervention and the dangers inherent in the prolonged denial of self-government to the Bosnian people. It argues that while international intervention has often been visibly successful in pushing through major reforms and political changes, the undemocratic character in which it has been carried out is far from unproblematic. The international community in Bosnia is not accountable to Bosnian citizens, its extensive governance powers have been largely exempt from democratic checks and balances, and international action has tended to sidestep and marginalize local institutions and the local political process, thus undermining the sustainability of the achieved improvements. On the whole, the effective, if not official, protectorate has been an unsuitable way of 'teaching' Bosnians what democracy is. Finally, the article uses the case of Bosnia to draw some general lessons for international intervention in post-conflict areas. ; The article analyzes international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and assesses the effects it has had on political developments and democratization in the country. The paper is especially focused on mapping the ongoing debate among policy analysts over the benefits of direct and proactive international intervention and the dangers inherent in the prolonged denial of self-government to the Bosnian people. It argues that while international intervention has often been visibly successful in pushing through major reforms and political changes, the undemocratic character in which it has been carried out is far from unproblematic. The international community in Bosnia is not accountable to Bosnian citizens, its extensive governance powers have been largely exempt from democratic ...
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The Mapping Digital Media project examines the global opportunities and risks created by the transition from traditional to digital media. Covering 60 countries, the project examines how these changes affect the core democratic service that any media system should provide: news about political, economic, and social affairs.Both media organizations and the organization of media in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been profoundly affected by ethnocentrism, political clientelism, the withdrawal of international donors, and the financial crisis. As a result, the country's march towards digitization has been protracted and uneven.Nevertheless, there have been recent signs of progress, with the installation of digital transmitters developing apace in 2012. Advances in the rest of Europe have put pressure on authorities to get their act together and the new deadline of 2014 for analog television switch-off may yet be achievable.This report proposes a series of compelling policy recommendations aimed at catalyzing the digitization process, improving the function of public service broadcasting, and enhancing the stability and independence of both media markets and the regulatory institutions that oversee them. These include a call for new legislation on media ownership; ensuring efficient work of the Digital Terrestrial Television Forum with a view to expediting switch-over; a new system of funding for the Press Council; a range of measures to protect the autonomy of the Communications Regulatory Agency; and greater coordination between public broadcasters and adherence to their mandates.
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Numerous studies and research conducted in the world's developed countries have unambiguously confirmed that the development and implementation of electronic management and other electronic services have a direct impact on economic, social and political development. The global study "Digital Governance in Municipalities Worldwide Survey" (2014) explored digital management in larger municipalities around the world. The research assessed the performance of official municipal websites in the area of privacy and security, usefulness, content, service and civic and social engagement. This longitudinal study, conducted since 2003, is a constant effort to evaluate the electronic management in the municipality and to identify the best world practices. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the larger municipalities have been selected for the research, that is, those with more than 30,000 inhabitants. Where there is no lower administrative unit than the city (for example, Banja Luka), or where the city performs administrative affairs of the municipality, the website of the city was surveyed. The scoring system of the web sites in the work was taken from the mentioned study. The main goal is to provide an insight into the state of electronic management in the major municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; ??????????? ??????????? ? ??????? ????????? ? ?????????? ??????? ??????? ????????????? ?? ????????? ?? ?????? ? ?????????????? ??????????? ?????? ? ?????? ???????????? ??????? ????? ???????? ?????? ?? ?????????, ????????? ? ????????? ??????. ???????? ??????? "The Digital Governance in Municipalities Worldwid? Survey" (National Center for Public Performance, 2014), ??????????? je ????????? ????????? ? ??????? ????????? ????? ???????. ??????????? ?? ????????? ?????? ????????? ???-???????? ??????? ? ??????? ??????????? ? ??????????, ??????????, ????????, ?????? ? ?????????? ? ?????????? ?????????. ??? ???????????? ??????? ???? ?? ??????? ?? 2003. ??????, ?????????? ?????? ????? ?? ???????? ??????????? ?????? ? ??????? ? ?????????????? ???????? ????????? ??????. ? ????? ? ??????????? ?? ??????????? ?? ???????? ???? ???????, ??????? ??? ?? ???? ?? 30.000 ??????????. ???? ?? ??????? ???? ??????????????? ???????? ?? ????? (??? ?? ??????? ???? ????), ??????? ???? ???? ?????? ??????????????? ??????? ???????, ?????????? ?? ???????? ?????. ?????? ???????? ???-???????? ? ???? ?? ??????? ?? ???????? ???????. ??????? ??? ?? ??????? ????? ? ????? ??????????? ?????? ? ????? ????????? ? ????? ? ???????????.
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In: Proceedings of 8th International Conference «Economic Integration, Competition and Cooperation», 6-9 April, Opatija, University of Rijeka – Faculty of Economics, CD with Full papers
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Working paper
In: International legal materials: ILM, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 75-169
ISSN: 1930-6571
Since Bosnia and Herzegovina's declaration of independence in 1995, its path has been a rocky one. Unwillingness by the international community to stand by the central government and stand in the way of the neighboring states of Serbia and Croatia's territorial pretensions, produced a succession of ceasefire agreements, culminating in the final, Dayton Peace Agreement. Each of these agreements espoused the ethnic principle as the guiding philosophy for the organization of the state. The post-war period demonstrates that despite the passage of time, the principle of organization of multi-ethnic state along ethnic lines presents a stumbling block to the functioning of the political, economic and social life in the country. The political history of post-independence Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) therefore reads as a history of protracted political paralysis, with no hope of rectifying the problems without another forceful intervention of the international community.
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This paper outlines the theoretical underpinnings of the consociational power-sharing approach and its presence in the political system of the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. The power-sharing framework used in this study provides insights into the theory of consociationalism as a power-sharing approach and tries to contribute to our understanding of the presence and relevance of this model to the Bosnian political system. The consociational framework emphasises the role of the political elites in providing the political stability and economic prosperity in the heterogeneous societies. It has four main features: grand coalition, proportional representation, segmental autonomy and mutual veto. The functioning and performance of this model depends, to a large extent, on factors that are conducive to elite cooperation. These factors are: population size, balance of power among segments, multiparty system, segmental isolation, nature of social cleavages, overarching loyalties and tradition of elite accommodation. This paper shows that all features of consociationalism exist in the post-Dayton Bosnian political system. However, grand coalitions are always made after the elections and mainly for the distribution of positions in the executive bodies of state apparatus and without any strategic platform and goals to be achieved and accounted for, agreed in advance. Proportionality has been mainly replaced with the parity-giving rise to imbalanced representation in state institutions. Segmental autonomy has been misconceived and veto power has been used to block all legislation beneficial to the state.
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In: Vestnik MGIMO-Universiteta: naučnyj recenziruemyj žurnal = MGIMO review of international relations : scientific peer-reviewed journal, Heft 1(16), S. 77-86
ISSN: 2541-9099
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In this paper, we focus on terrorism through the criminal legislation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the existing scientific fund, professional literature, various organizations, institutions, political entities, there is not a sufficient degree of agreement to be able to form a court that there is, in general, a generally accepted definition of terrorism. On the other hand, given the various activities and actions, results, effects and consequences of terrorist organizations and terrorists, we must state that there is a very high degree of agreement, that terrorism is one of the biggest security and security threats today. The growing increase in terrorist actions and threats has led to the implementation of new legislative norms in order to better counter terrorism. Organized crime at the international level and terrorist activities increasingly require the connection of states, international organizations through Conventions, Resolutions or Laws. Terrorism acts ambivalently and as a threat to the stability of society, states and their development on a global level. The expansion of terrorism over time has surprised many organizations, institutions, whose goal is to preserve security, where the need for reforms has arisen. Through the laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we will see how the legislator has solved the issue of terrorism and what are the consequences for those who do not adhere to them.
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In: ICLARS series on law and religion
In: Smolo , E , Šeho , M & Kabir Hassan , M 2020 , ' Development of Islamic finance in Bosnia and Herzegovina ' , Journal of Economic Cooperation and Development , vol. 41 , no. 1 , pp. 121-143 .
This paper represents the analysis of Islamic finance development in Balkan with a case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). In this analysis we will use the data from the local Islamic financial institutions and global reports with regard to the Islamic finance industry. Since Islamic finance has been practiced in B&H for years, its development has seen a remarkable success. Islamic banking, led by Bosnia Bank International (BBI), is the major player in the field. However, the industry faces a number of issues and challenges that impede its further development. Among major issues are a lack of legal and regulatory framework(s), a low level of public awareness about Islamic finance that leads to a low demand for its products, and a lack of government support for its development. Thus, in order for Islamic finance to develop further within the Balkan countries there is a need for a better promotion, legal and regulatory framework that will facilitate this endeavor and new players that will increase competition and add additional value to this market.
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In: International law reports, Band 164, S. 261-285
ISSN: 2633-707X
261Human rights — Right to life — Prohibition of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment — Right to liberty and security of person — Whether States Parties ensuring the extension of Covenant rights to all persons within their territories without distinction — Whether arrested persons being informed of reasons for arrest — Entitlement of persons deprived of their liberty to challenge lawfulness of detention before a court — Whether alien lawfully within the territory of a State Party being expelled in pursuit of a decision reached in accordance with law — All persons equal before courts and tribunals — Entitlement to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law — Prohibition on arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy, family and home — Recognition and protection of the family as the natural and fundamental group unit of society — Right of every child to such measures of protection as are required by his status as a minor — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, Articles 6, 7, 9, 13, 14, 17, 23 and 24 — Remedy for violation — United Nations Human Rights Committee
In: Central European political science review: quarterly of Central European Political Science Association ; CEPSR, Band 11, Heft 40, S. 125-129
ISSN: 1586-4197
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