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This article reinforces the criticisms I cast on civil resistance literature in my study "Debunking the Myths Behind Nonviolent Civil Resistance" through addressing issues on how scholars code violence, unarmed violence, and nonviolence. It justifies studying unarmed violence as a sole category and explicates the pathways through which unarmed violence can lead oppositional campaigns toward success. In responding to Onken, Shemia-Goeke, and Martin, the article demonstrates that the dichotomization of nonviolence and violence is not premised on analytical equivalency and should be avoided if the study of resistance strategies is to progress onward and step away from the literature's intrinsic ideological bias. There is nothing idealistic about seeking to improve how we operationalize concepts to study resistance strategies, but if scholars in the civil resistance literature fail to move away from universalistic assumptions about nonviolence and social change, they will continue to misinterpret historical processes and produce policy suggestions that are neo-colonial in nature.

Esse estudo é qualitativo e objetivou conhecer algumas sensações experimentadas pelos homens durante a gestação. Foram entrevistados dez homens que utilizavam o pré-natal no IFF/Fiocruz. As sensações verbalizadas, no geral, foram positivas, mas em alguns casos, acompanhadas por sentimentos de medo, preocupação e surpresa.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Masculinidade. Paternidade. Cuidado Pré-Natal.

Since the independence of Indonesian Republic until now , Islamic education continues to evolve with the times, Accommodation madrassah into the national education system became the forerunner of Islamic madrassah as education providers who are subject to the national education system, madrassah eventually modified into distinctively Islamic. At least three periods of the implementation of the National Education System Law in Indonesia since 1950 until now. Educational objectives formulated in the National Education Act, both Law No. 4 Year 1950 jo Law No. 12 of 1954 which created the human being educated Indonesia as "Humans are capable and democratic decency and responsibility about the welfare of society and the homeland" or Law No. 2 1989 idealize Indonesian fully human beings, the "man who is faithful and devoted to God Almighty and noble character, physically and mentally healthy, have the knowledge and skills, personality steady and independent and have a sense of civic responsibility and nationality", and the latter Act No. 20 of 2003 which aspires "man who is faithful, pious and noble, healthy, knowledgeable, capable, creative, independent, and become citizens of a democratic and responsible". Among the goals of education in education law in 1950, 1989 and 2003, there is a clear shift towards improvement.

Social conflict, discrimination, religious conflict, political crisis, economy, culture and education, becoming more frequent. With the presence of religion, the phenomenon of life can be given meaning and moral and transcendental, so as to have its own value. While the structure of the system in the form of religion or system of teachings and rules of functioning enforce social norms, rules, fulfilling the spiritual needs of man and God. But what about the religion (Islam) may be a solution to the conflicts, both horizontally and vertically not place? One way to resolve the conflict and bring peace and love between people, is through education. This is where the importance of islamic educatuion-minded multicultural curriculum development.

Critics of the American Political Science Association's Data Access and Research Transparency (DA-RT) policy have targeted the initiative on many fronts, not the least of which is the impact that the policy will have on political science's engagement with the public—evocative of the recurrent appeals to remake the discipline with an eye to relevance, usefulness, and comprehensibility (Isaac 2015).1 DART's proponents seem assured of the positive impact of the policy, heralding its contributions to transferring knowledge beyond disciplinary boundaries, and in particular toward improving political science's public face, making it more credible and legitimate (Lupia and Elman 2014). However, I argue that DA-RT overemphasizes the purported disciplinary benefits without adequate consideration of the probable harms to the public. This is especially the case for marginalized communities and the policy issues that affect them, and is likely to result in a chilling effect on such research.