Suchergebnisse

Divergent conclusions have been drawn from research about whether or not local government in Sweden has become more independent of central government during the post-war expansion of the Swedish welfare state. By using a multi-dimensional resource perspective it is argued that local government could be viewed as potentially strong with regard to constitutional–legal, political, financial and professional resources. However, during the 1980s as several decentralist and deregulative programs were being implemented, central government strengthened its financial control over local government. An increasing interdependency between local government agencies and private institutions could also be observed. Thus, the current relations between central and local government in Sweden can be summarised in the formula: centralising (financial) power — decentralising responsibility.

In April 1980 a group of urban historians and political scientists met at the University of York under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council to pool what they knew about the changing relations between central and local government and to identify areas for future research. The initiative had come from the political scientists whose interest in the subject had been stimulated by recent government policy. Those who attended from among the historians had to confess that this was not a subject that had recently been much discussed among them. When I was invited by the editor of thisYearbookto contribute an article on a neglected aspect of urban history, it seemed a good opportunity to draw the attention of the urban history group to the subject. What follows is an amended version of the paper that had originally been written for the SSRC seminar.

NGOs have been a major actor in South Korea's democratic governance and have sometimes played key roles in cooperation with the government. However, their once prominent status is in decline, attributed here to their structural weakness, over-politicization, and the risk of being potentially co-opted by the government

1. Introduction / Mike Goldsmith and Ed Page -- 2. Belgium / Filip de Rynck and Ellen Wayenberg -- 3. The Czech Republic / Martin Brusis -- 4. Denmark / Vibeke Normann Andersen -- 5. France / Gilles Pinson -- 6. Germany / Angelika Vetter -- 7. Hungary / Gabor Soos -- 8. Italy / Luigi Bobbio and Stefano Piperno -- 9. The Netherlands / Trui Steen and Theo A. J. Toonen -- 10. Norway / Anne Lise Fimreite and Tommy Tranvik -- 11. Spain / Francesc Morata and John Etherington -- 12. Sweden / Henry Back and Vicki Johansson -- 13. Switzerland / Andreas Ladner -- 14. The United Kingdom / Helen Sullivan -- 15. Conclusions / Mike Goldsmith and Ed Page.

Abstract
Since the emergence of the Triple Helix, expansions to Quadruple, Quintuple, N-tuple helices, and models decomposing higher-order helices into multiple interrelated triple helices, or two-layer triple helices have been proposed. Albeit presenting alternative conceptual frameworks these different Helix models seem unsuited to address internal boundaries to the institutional spheres of the university, industry, and government. Addressing this circumstance, the present article pursues the research purpose of conceptualizing a perspective that opens the possibility of analysis to occur between but also within the boundaries of the institutional spheres. To that effect it advocates the application of different reference frames (scopes) to capture the dynamics that empirically emerge from the system under research. The novelty of this study is that it expands the existing theory by proposing that adding "scopes" (instead of introducing new helices) can increase the analytical potential of the Triple Helix.