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In 1992 Professor Dick Netzer posed the question "Do We Really Need a National Infrastructure Policy?" but a national infrastructure policy really is a fanciful notion. America has never had a national infrastructure policy, there is no consensus as to what constitutes "infrastructure," and little to agreement on public policy at the national level. Although we may agree that public expenditures to build and maintain infrastructure should be effective, efficient, and equitable, however hard we try and however sincere our efforts, we never agree on the meanings of terms like infrastructure, policy, effectiveness, efficiency, or equity. The futility of striving toward "a" national or unified infrastructure policy does not, of course, prevent America from pursuing innumerable national infrastructure policies. This essay posits that America can take many practical and important steps to manage and improve its infrastructure regardless of whether it has a document called a "national infrastructure policy."

The demography, culture, & language of contemporary Belarus are studied to determine the present level of national self-awareness. An overview of politics & social change in Belarus throughout the 20th century is followed by an analysis of the relationship between nationalism, culture, & native language. Noting the elevation of Russian to national language status under President Alyaksander Lukashenka, it is contended that Belarusian scholars & cultural figures have become increasingly troubled by the loss of their native language. Even though Belarusian culture exists in the background of the national society, it is asserted that the young generation's concern with political issues has raised national consciousness in Belarus during the 1990s. Future research is encouraged to examine the potential relegation of Belarusian to a folk language, along with the role of Belarus in the political sphere dominated by Russia. J. W. Parker

A frequent assertion about the recent events and pervasive mood in Belarus—the apparent efforts to reunite with Russia, the virtual denial of a Belarusian identity by a Russophone president, official nostalgia for the time of the former Soviet Union— is that national consciousness is somehow retarded or delayed, and national development is lagging considerably behind that of its neighboring states, Lithuania and Ukraine. This article seeks to address the question of national self-awareness in Belarus from three angles: those of demography, culture, and language. Was development of the republic in the Soviet period different from that of the other republics, and is that development responsible for what has been described as the "national nihilism" of today? Is that mood likely to change with a new generation of Belarusians? How far is President Alyaksander Lukashenka, the first president of Belarus, who was elected in July 1994, responsible for the present situation and how far is he a symptom of the notable lack of self-assertion of Belarusians?

The État-nation (Nation-State) doctrine is the main ideology of the French Revolution and subsequent revolutionary tradition, but the contemporary French left and liberal centre are pro-Euro-peans and hostiles to idea of Nation-State. The whole spectrum of French political elite reject the idea of nation and Nation-State as "reactionary" and "undemocratic". In France, the idea of État-na-tion is defended by the nationalist right only, symbolised by the Le Pen's family. The purpose of this text is to present this genetically-leftist idea as the programme of the political right.

Economicdependence and cultural diversity are the bedrock upon which the élites of ex-colonial states attempt to construct a functioning state apparatus, a viable economy, and a sense of nationhood to surround and enshrine the emergent order. The achievement of national integration is sought in language and education policies, cultural and ideological programmes, and the structuring of access to – and distribution of – available resources. It is basically for this reason that a number of governments in the Third World require their highly educated youth to spend a year of service to the nation after they leave the university. Hence the National Youth Service Corps in Nigeria, which started operating in 1973, amidst great publicity, and has since become an established part of governmental and student planning. By mid-1979 about 46,000 had passed through the programme, serving the nation in a variety of jobs, mainly as teachers, before being employed in either the private or public sector.