Suchergebnisse

Questionnaire data were obtained from the homes of 467 boys and girls in special education classes for educable mentally retarded children and minimally brain injured children which allowed six social class factors to be assessed. For four variables the scores for the two disability groups were significantly different, indicating for the minimally brain injured children a more favourable parental occupation, parental education, and social position, and indicating for the educable mentally retarded children a larger number of children in the family. No differences were apparent between the groups when considering the birth order or the month of birth of the children in the project. The influence of sex as an independent variable was not significant in this research.

THE AUTHORS RESPOND TO CRITICISM FROM J.J. RAY REGARDING THEIR RESEARCH ON WORKING CLASS AUTHORITARIANISM. THEY ARGUE THAT RAY HAS MISINTERPRETED THEIR CONCLUSIONS AND CONTRADICTED HIMSELF. THEY SERIOUSLY QUESTION RAY'S SUGGESTION THAT THE DIRECTIVENESS SCALE MEASURES AUTHORITARIANISM. THE ADORNO ET AL. F-SCALE HAS BEEN SHOWN TO BE A POTENTIAL FASCISM SCALE, WHEREAS NO SUCH EVIDENCE IS AVAILABLE FOR RAY'S DIRECTIVENESS SCALE.

Despite the increasing attention paid by psychologists to social class, we argue here that insufficient attention has been paid to the ways, in which socio-ecological factors shape both which dimensions of social class are used by individuals to compare themselves with others, and the outcomes of these comparisons. We illustrate our argument by reviewing recent research on the ways in which different facets of socioeconomic status shape social and political attitudes, and on the ways in which inequalities in educational outcomes stem from comparisons made in specific social contexts. We conclude that by studying the psychological impact of social class differences through the lens of a socio-ecological approach, it becomes more evident that this impact varies as a function of both the dimension of social class involved, and local social ecologies.

The internal & external consistency of standard & alternative measures of stratification position is analyzed. The individual's position within the stratification system has been variously described by concepts such as level of education, occupational prestige, & Marxist SC position. The central issues considered include: the degree to which the operationalizations of these concepts are interrelated, their relationship to the operationalizations of other concepts that measure stratification position, & the extent to which these measures are "interchangeable." The data were obtained from a sample (N = 1,614) interviewed by the Survey Research Center & the Center for Political Studies at the U of Michigan in 1980. A set of questions was deliberately included that could be used to measure individuals' SC position according to several different models. A strong relationship was discovered among indicators that measure the same concept (eg, the NORC Prestige Scale & the Duncan SEI), although all indicators are positively related. Regression analysis employing different criterion variables as dependent variables & several measures of stratification position as independent variables reveal that these measures are not interchangeable. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 46 References. Modified HA.

This article reports on a study that treats recent growth in ethnic awareness as an opportunity to study cultural concepts at a more manageable level. Scholars in this area have pitted social class against ethnicity, and people moving up the status ladder were expected to assimilate. Ethnic communication holds ethnic groups together but also may mediate changes in ethnic behaviors and attitudes. Changes in social status are viewed as competing influences, acting directly and indirectly through changes in ethnic communication networks. Some 392 people represented 11 ethnic groups in a panel study that tapped communication and ethnic behaviors in 1976 and 4 years later. Correlations show income is negatively related to ethnic behaviors at time one but not at time two. Cross-lagged correlations show income is negatively associated with observing ethnic customs but not perceived change in ethnic ID; education is unrelated to either ethnic measure. Regression analysis shows that neither status variable is related to ethnic ID when communication and other variables have been controlled. Several path analytic models map the relationships presented in the literature; in all models, the two social status variables have no direct relationship on ethnic ID or behavior; some mediation occurs in the 1976 model but not the 1980 model.

The critical importance of marginal constituencies and wards in determining national and local election results in England leads to the question 'What makes a ward marginal? ' The results of research on 384 electoral contests over ten years in Birmingham shows that the social class composition of a ward primarily determines its marginality or safety. The class composition associated with a high degree of marginality is as follows: for every non-manual worker there are likely to be twice as many foremen and skilled manual workers, and for every non-manual worker there are likely to be between one and a half and twice as many semi and unskilled manual workers. The further a ward departs from these ratios the more likely it is to be safe for the Labour or Conservative Party. The ratios are highly reliable in picking out marginal and safe wards in normal political periods involving only small swings of electoral opinion between the parties. During abnormal periods, such as the landslide against the Labour Party between 1965 and 1969, the ratios shift slightly but are nevertheless a good indicator of marginal propensity.

Cet exposé traite de l'importance des conséquences des différents modes d'occupation de logement, en ce qui concerne les rapports de classes. L'accent est mis précisément sur la Grande Bretagne où, environ 40% des ouvriers manuels possèdent maintenant leur propre maison, et où l'extension de l'occupation de l'habitation par le propriétaire a nettement contribué à accroitre les dividions sociales et politiques, au sein de la classe ouvrière. La question qui se pose, est de savoir si de telles divisions ont une base matérielle réelle, ou si elles sont principalement idéologiques. On voit que la réponse à cette question aura d'importantes conséquences pour l'organisation de luttes politiques autour de la question du logement. L'exposé débute par une discussion des perspectives wéberiennes et marxistes en matière d'occupation de logement et de rapports de classes. La perspective wébérienne, liée aux travaux de Rex et de Moore sur 'le logement par classes', est rejetée, quoique la possibilité de reformuler le concept du logement par classes, au sein d'une orientation wébérienne, soit mise en évidence. Le point de vue marxiste, qui rejette la possession du logement comme étant étrangère à l'identification des intérêts de classe, est également rejeté, sous prétexte que l'occupation de l'habitation par le propriétaire est un facteur crucial d'une augmentation réelles des richesses individuelles qui peuvent largement dépasser les économics que l'on peut faire sur les salaires de toute une vie. L 'exposé montre ensuite, comment la possession de sa maison va dans le sens d'une accumulation des richesses, et comment ceci crée une réelle division d'intérèt économique entre les propriétaires en jouissance et les locataires, fait qui se manifeste souvent dans les luttes politiques locales. La conclusion qui se dégage de ceci est que, les efforts des activistes locaux pour unifier les deux groupes en une alliance politique contre le capital monopole, peut sàvérer à la fois peu judicieux et nuisible à la productivité.

Cet article illustre le niveau des differences regionales et provinciates qui existent dans la distribution de classe entre ceux qui sont nés au pays et des immigrants qui arriverent au Canada avant 1946 et durant la periode 1946–1961. En utilisant un index socio‐economique compose de trois cent vingt (320) occupations, on etablit six classes sociales. Au Quebec et dans les provinces de l'Atlantique, ceux qui sont nes au pays sont quelque peu sous‐representes dans les trois classes superieures, tandis que les immigrants venant des Etats‐Unis, du Royaume‐Uni, et de l'Allemagne sont sur‐representes. Par ailleurs, ceux qui sont nes au Canada sont sur‐representes dans la province de 1'Ontario et dans les provinces de 1'Ouest. Les immigrants americains qui emigrerent au Canada durant la periode de I'apres‐guerre, sont substantiellement plus sur‐representes dans les trois classes superieures que tout autre groupe d'emigrants. lis sont suivis, en cela, par les emigrants d'apres‐guerre du Royaume‐Uni. Ce sont les principales conclusions de l'auteur.This paper shows the extent to which regional and provincial differences exist in the class distribution of native‐born and immigrants who arrived before 1946 and between 1946 and 1961. Using six classes based upon a socioeconomic index of 320 occupations the author shows that in the Atlantic provinces and Quebec, the Canadian‐born are slightly underrepresented in the three top classes. Immigrants from the United States, tie United Kingdom and Germany are overrepresented. In Ontario and the Western provinces, the Canadian‐born are overrepresented. The postwar immigrants from the United States have a substantially higher degree of overrepresentation in the three top classes than any other immigrant group, followed by postwar immigrants from the United Kingdom.

Risk of disaster exposure is often associated with prior conditions of economic deprivation, and it is held that risk would be less for an asset-rich household than an asset-poor one. Observational data may, however, contradict this expected pattern. The contradiction is resolved when we examine risk distribution through the lens of Weberian class distribution, and associate risk with peoples' class situations. This paper draws upon the household survey data from Tanzania to illustrate this argument.