Suchergebnisse

This paper presents a brief history of the education of teachers of visually handicapped students and reviews recent trends and adaptations. The author also offers some ideas for future innovations and suggests methods of implementing them.

Drawing from three areas of research, the authors propose a model for twenty-first century international teacher education. Through literacy, technology, and global citizenship education, future teachers can learn the interrelatedness of promoting human acceptance across national/political borders and global economic exigencies. As the movement of ideas, commerce, and people through means of improved transportation and computer technologies transform the notion of the nation state, diversity education will embrace international citizenship while remaining important in local and national contexts. Through focused teacher education, all of the academic disciplines hold promise for rich teaching and learning through critical literacy for an ecologically sound environment that ultimately will sustain global economical and political interrelations.

With specific reference to junior secondary schools in Shanghai, China, this qualitative empirical study examines the dynamics and complexities of leadership in school and, in particular, citizenship education exercised by principals and school party secretaries (SPSs), who are de facto equally-ranked school leaders. Specifically, it examines, from a macro- and micro-political theoretical perspective, the interactions between these two types of school leaders, and how they respond to the demands of various school stakeholders, including macro-political actors (e.g., the state) and micro-political actors (e.g., other school leaders, teachers, students and parents), at the school level. Data were gathered from document analysis, non-participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 44 school leaders from 24 schools and two educational officials in Shanghai, conducted in 2011. This study has four major findings. First, in addition to the leadership responsibilities inherent to their particular portfolios, the interviewed principals and SPSs were also politically and administratively responsible for leading the school and citizenship education, and struggled to balance these (at times conflicting) responsibilities. Second, there were four major school leadership/citizenship education scenarios in which principals and SPSs were torn between faithfully executing state policy demands, adapting those demands to suit the specific needs and conditions of their school, pursuing their professional autonomy, and addressing the interests of different micro-political actors. Third, principals and SPSs enjoyed a complicated working relationship at the micro-political (school) level in which they collaborated to fulfill their responsibilities and respond to school macro- and micro-political actors, while simultaneously competing for power over school leadership and citizenship education. Fourth, principals' and SPSs' leadership in school and citizenship education was shaped by inter-related factors, including diverse influences in a multi-leveled world, the integration of politics and education, the demands of macro- and micro-political actors, and personal factors. To interpret these findings, this study proposes a theoretical framework for understanding leadership in school and citizenship education in China as a political exercise in which school leaders actively use their influence and resources to lead and administer school and citizenship education, resist other school leaders' (at times contradictory) administrative and political responsibilities, and interact with and mediate between the interests of various actors at the macro- and micro-political levels in response to political, economic and social needs. This theoretical framework is useful for understanding the complexity of school and citizenship education leadership, the micro-political relationship between Chinese principals and SPSs, and their dynamic and complex interactions with macro- and micro-political actors as they fulfill their intertwined political and administrative responsibilities in school leadership and citizenship education. ; published_or_final_version ; Education ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

As we enter the twenty-first century, the outcomes, consequences, and results of teacher education have become critical topics in nearly all of the state and national policy debates about teacher preparation and licensure as well as in the development of many of the privately and publicly funded research agendas related to teacher and student learning. In this article, I argue that teacher education reform over the last fifty years has been driven by a series of questions about policy and practice. The question that is currently driving reform and policy in teacher education is what I refer to as "the outcomes question." This question asks how we should conceptualize and define the outcomes of teacher education for teacher learning, professional practice, and student learning, as well as how, by whom, and for what purposes these outcomes should be documented, demonstrated, and/or measured. In this article, I suggest that the outcomes question in teacher education is being conceptualized and constructed in quite different ways depending on the policy, research, and practice contexts in which the question is posed as well as on the political and professional motives of the posers. The article begins with an overview of the policy context, including those reforms and initiatives that have most influenced how outcomes are currently being constructed, debated, and enacted in teacher education. Then I identify and analyze three major "takes" on the outcomes question in teacher education—outcomes as the long-term or general impacts of teacher education, outcomes as teacher candidates' scores on high stakes teacher tests, and outcomes as the professional performances of teacher candidates, particularly their demonstrated ability to influence student learning. For each of these approaches to outcomes, I examine underlying assumptions about teaching and schooling, the evidence and criteria used for evaluation, units of analysis, and consequences for the profession. I point out that how we construct outcomes in teacher education (including how we make the case that some outcomes matter more than others) legitimizes but also undermines particular points of view about the purposes of schooling, the nature of teaching and learning, and the role of teacher education in educational reform. In the second half of the article, I offer critique across the three constructions of outcomes, exploring the possibilities as well as the pitfalls involved in the outcomes debate. In this section, I focus on the tensions between professional consensus and critique, problems with the inputs-outputs metaphor, the need to get social justice onto the outcomes agenda, problems with the characterization of teachers as either saviors or culprits, and the connection of outcomes to educational reform strategies that are either democratic or market-driven.

This paper provides preliminary evidence suggesting that Labour introduced citizenship lessons in schools because of its concern about perceived declining levels of social capital, and that the normative model of citizenship underpinning the curriculum is that which best corresponds to the concerns of social capital theorists. It also proposes an ideational approach to policy network analysis for analysing the introduction of the policy, with the concept of social capital, treated as a programmatic belief, regarded as the independent variable. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract India is the youngest country today due to its youth population and if the nation has to be the power centre of the world it has to channelize the potential of young Bharat. Population Dividend cannot be obtained without developing a system to direct the energy of the Young India and no need to say that education is the answer to all these questions. Teacher and her education have their bearing on the quality of education that is the prerequisite for quality manpower. Teacher education does not bear the responsibility of the preparation of quality teacher up to desirable level. India in general and Bihar in particular need to strengthen its teacher education preparation system. Perhaps Bihar is the poorest potential state in terms of teacher education preparation mechanism, especially in the area of secondary teacher education. Only Patna University has Faculty of Education and Department of Education. There are few government colleges providing B.Ed. and M.Ed. study facility. Vacancy in these institutions has not been full-filled since long. As per the two years B.Ed. programme the Bihar Cabinet has to sanction new and more posts and that is also pending. Development of Faculty and Department of Education in every university of the state, sanction and creation of posts for two years B.Ed. & M.Ed. programmes, preparation in advance for the implementation of four years integrated B.Ed. programme, timely appointment of required faculty members, proper funding, implementation of Criterion Referenced Evaluation in teacher preparation & selection, etc. are some of the measures that can enrich the secondary level teacher preparation programme of the state.