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The author indicates in the article that the conflict over Transnistria was not int the field of German close interests. The main task of the German government was to maintain good relations with Russia and to grant it the role of the main mediator in the dispute between Moldova and rebellious Transnistria. On the other hand, Germany, as an EU member, sought to stabilize the region and to bring about democratic and pro-European changes in Moldova. Berlin supported negotiations between the conflicted parties within the OSCE framework albeit aware that they were a sham and would not contribute to the resolution of the conflict. Both the people of Transnistria and Moldova are committed to maintaining the status quo. The absence of physical violence and minor economic and legal tensions have encouraged Western Europe to remain indifferent to Transnistria's problems. In the article the author used the following research methods: historical, descriptive, source analysis and decision making method. ; Autor w artykule wskazuje, że konflikt o Naddniestrze nie leżał w polu niemieckich bliskich zainteresowań. Pierwszoplanowym zadaniem niemieckich rządów było utrzymanie dobrych relacji z Rosją i przyznanie jej roli głównego mediatora w sporze pomiędzy Mołdawią i zbuntowanym Naddniestrzem. Z drugiej strony, Niemcom jako członkowi UE zależało na stabilizacji tego regionu, demokratycznych i proeuropejskich przemianach w Mołdawii. W Berlinie wspierano rokowania pomiędzy skonfliktowanymi stronami w ramach OBWE, mając świadomość, że mają one pozorowany charakter i nie przyczynią się do rozwiązania konfliktu. Zarówno mieszkańcom Naddniestrza, jak i Mołdawii zależy na utrzymaniu istniejącego status quo. Brak aktów fizycznej przemocy i drobne spięcia na tle gospodarczym i prawnym sprzyjają zachodniej obojętności wobec problemów Naddniestrza. W artykule autor wykorzystał metody badawcze: metodę historyczną, deskryptywną, analizy źródeł i metodę decyzyjną.

The author indicates in the article that the conflict over Transnistria was not int the field of German close interests. The main task of the German government was to maintain good relations with Russia and to grant it the role of the main mediator in the dispute between Moldova and rebellious Transnistria. On the other hand, Germany, as an EU member, sought to stabilize the region and to bring about democratic and pro-European changes in Moldova. Berlin supported negotiations between the conflicted parties within the OSCE framework albeit aware that they were a sham and would not contribute to the resolution of the conflict. Both the people of Transnistria and Moldova are committed to maintaining the status quo. The absence of physical violence and minor economic and legal tensions have encouraged Western Europe to remain indifferent to Transnistria's problems. In the article the author used the following research methods: historical, descriptive, source analysis and decision making method. ; Autor w artykule wskazuje, że konflikt o Naddniestrze nie leżał w polu niemieckich bliskich zainteresowań. Pierwszoplanowym zadaniem niemieckich rządów było utrzymanie dobrych relacji z Rosją i przyznanie jej roli głównego mediatora w sporze pomiędzy Mołdawią i zbuntowanym Naddniestrzem. Z drugiej strony, Niemcom jako członkowi UE zależało na stabilizacji tego regionu, demokratycznych i proeuropejskich przemianach w Mołdawii. W Berlinie wspierano rokowania pomiędzy skonfliktowanymi stronami w ramach OBWE, mając świadomość, że mają one pozorowany charakter i nie przyczynią się do rozwiązania konfliktu. Zarówno mieszkańcom Naddniestrza, jak i Mołdawii zależy na utrzymaniu istniejącego status quo. Brak aktów fizycznej przemocy i drobne spięcia na tle gospodarczym i prawnym sprzyjają zachodniej obojętności wobec problemów Naddniestrza. W artykule autor wykorzystał metody badawcze: metodę historyczną, deskryptywną, analizy źródeł i metodę decyzyjną.

Abstract
The paper examines the current demographic crisis of Transnistria, an internationally unrecognised state that separated from Moldova in 1990 followed by a short violent conflict in 1992. Much has been written about the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria. What these studies largely neglected to mention is that the region is experiencing a strong demographic decline for two reasons: sinking birth rates and high outmigration. This has consequences for economic development, education, healthcare, and the social infrastructure in both rural and urban areas. These trends are discussed against the background of the unique political situation of Transnistria and in light of similar demographic processes taking place in East Central and Southeastern Europe. The authors draw conclusions about the stability of the region and the relevance of the demographic situation for conflict transformation. The paper is based on studies conducted in Transnistria and fieldwork undertaken by the authors.

Artykuł ukazał się w: Moldova: In search of its own place in Europe, red. N. Cwicinskaja, P. Oleksy, Wydawnictwo Epigram, Bydgoszcz 2013, s. 55–65 ; Some students of quasi-states say that these entities aim to obtain the acceptance of their independence by the international community. However, this thesis raises doubts, at least in case of Transnistria, a region with its capital in Tiraspol, that began functioning as a quasi-state in mid-1992 after gaining victory in a brief war with Moldova. The paper's goal is to answer whether Transnistria really seeks international recognition as an independent state. It examines the position of two Transnistrian presidents — dominant figures in Transnistria's political system — Igor Smirnov (1991– 2011) and Yevgeniy Shevchuk (since December 2011), as well as of the party Obnovleniye (Renewal) which has controlled the Transnistrian parliament since 2005. The paper concludes that despite official declarations made by the Transnistrian authorities about seeking internationally recognised independence for their region, this nominal goal is not necessarily a real one. Generally, they position concerning Transnistria's status is not so easily identified. They seem to be in favour of keeping the status quo and maintaining the quasi-state's de facto independence. However, it appears that under conditions securing Transnistria's rights and interests, the present Transnistrian president, Shevchuk, and the parliament controlled by the party Obnovleniye could truly support the idea of reintegration with Moldova. ; Marcin Kosienkowski

Abstract
To what extent can de facto states act autonomously vis-à-vis their patron states and domestic societies? This article draws on theories of clientelism in international relations to develop a novel argument explaining the agency of de facto states. Examining two strategic triangles—Russia–Transnistria–Moldova and US–Taiwan–China—it demonstrates that interrelated domestic factors such as robust political competition, democratic pluralism, reimagined national identities, and big business shape the autonomy of de facto states in Eastern Europe and East Asia. Furthermore, the structured focused comparison of Transnistria and Taiwan indicates that the agency of de facto states declines when rising parent states and dissatisfied patron states challenge the status quo, engaging in great power competition. Their autonomy varies across areas of low and high politics, as patron states prioritize military-security issues and interfere less in the economic and cultural affairs of the de facto states.

The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the use of cooperation with the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic by the Russian Federation to strengthen its position in the competition for power with the states of the euoratlantic space. During the initiated research, research methods and techniques characteristic of qualitative research were used, e.g. analysis of documents and statements of leading political decision-makers from Russia and Transnistria. The results of the research unequivocally show that strengthening the statehood of the parastatal state is one of the instruments of the Russian Federation, thanks to which it pursues its strategic goal - maintaining the position of a hegemon in the post-Soviet area, which strengthens its adaptability in strategic competition with the West for power. The functioning of the pro-Russian Transnistria in the composition of Moldova enables Russia to influence the policy of this country, exerting pressure and preventing it from dynamising the process of integration with Euro-Atlantic structures (primarily with the European Union), while retaining it in its traditional sphere of influence.

The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the use of cooperation with the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic by the Russian Federation to strengthen its position in the competition for power with the states of the euoratlantic space. During the initiated research, research methods and techniques characteristic of qualitative research were used, e.g. analysis of documents and statements of leading political decision-makers from Russia and Transnistria. The results of the research unequivocally show that strengthening the statehood of the parastatal state is one of the instruments of the Russian Federation, thanks to which it pursues its strategic goal - maintaining the position of a hegemon in the post-Soviet area, which strengthens its adaptability in strategic competition with the West for power. The functioning of the pro-Russian Transnistria in the composition of Moldova enables Russia to influence the policy of this country, exerting pressure and preventing it from dynamising the process of integration with Euro-Atlantic structures (primarily with the European Union), while retaining it in its traditional sphere of influence.

This article analyzes the historical prerequisites that influence the formation of the identity of the population of Transnistria, based on the common language, history, culture and statehood in the conditions of polyethnicity and multiculturalism of the republic with a "deferred legal status". Among the array of basic identities, the national-cultural one is viewed through the prism of regulatory, legislative, socio-cultural and linguistic policies aimed at protecting the cultural, educational and linguistic rights and freedoms of the Pridnestrovian people, strengthening the statehood of Transnistria with existing educational and cultural imbalances, as well as progressive reverse processes. When considering the current state of interethnic consolidation, attention is focused on the problems of preserving national and cultural identity, its markers are singled out, transformational processes are identified due to historical, political and ethno-cultural interactions, the dynamics of the ethnic composition of the population of Transnistria is analyzed. It is noted that in the ethnic structure over the past 30 years, the Moldovan ethnos (initially being the backbone of the statehood of the newly formed country) has given way to the Russian one, because the share of Russian citizens is already more than a third of the population (33.8%). At the same time, a part of the Transnistrians already self-identify as the "Pridnestrovian people". Thus, on the basis of the ideology of "Transnistrian internationalism", which allows representatives of more than 70 ethnic groups to coexist peacefully, a new community is being formed, which makes it possible to observe the transformation processes taking place in the study area in dynamics. Focusing on "Russian culture", the author focuses on the need to activate the mechanisms of creative bilingualism, the development of the ethno-festival movement, ethnographic event tourism of various ethnicities of the multinational Transnistria, which should be reflected in the ongoing State cultural policy. The author presents the directions of activity for the preservation of the national and cultural identity of the Transnistrian people in the key of ethno-cultural, communication and infrastructural processes.

El presente artículo analiza un modelo de conflicto en el antiguo espacio soviético cuyo origen se sitúa en el periodo final de la Unión Soviética. La prolongación durante el proceso de construcción estatal de la República independiente de Moldavia — con un conflicto bélico durante el año 1992 —, así como la ausencia de una solución definitiva desde el punto de vista político-diplomático y el múltiple apoyo otorgado por Rusia al enclave secesionista, acabó con su conversión en un Estado de facto. No constituye un fenómeno aislado en esta amplia zona geopolítica, a la que Rusia ha convertido en su esfera de interés esencial. Sin embargo, presenta ciertas particularidades que alcanzan a la construcción, consolidación o destrucción de identidades étnico-nacionales —incluida la mayoritaria en el nuevo Estado—, sin olvidar el carácter del propio conflicto. Las consecuencias derivadas de la agresión continuada de Rusia a Ucrania desde 2014 puede derivar en consecuencias imprevisibles en torno a Transnistria: desde la ampliación de los objetivos territoriales del Kremlin hasta el desbloqueo final del conflicto hacia cualquier escenario posible, en un contexto regional de extrema inseguridad.