Suchergebnisse

Gender relations—embodied in the sexual division of labor, compulsory heterosexuality, gendered forms of citizenship and political participation, ideologies of masculinity and femininity, and the like—profoundly shape the character of welfare states. Likewise, the institutions of social provision—the set of social assistance and social insurance programs and universal citizenship entitlements to which we refer as "the welfare state" —affect gender relations. Until recently, two broad approaches to gender relations and welfare states predominated: one which saw states contributing to the social reproduction of gender hierarchies, and a second which saw states having an ameliorative impact on gender inequality. More recently, two new strands of research have emerged emphasizing the variation in the effects of social policies on gender.

Welfare states have traditionally been studied through quantitative tools such as indices and qualitative ones such as typologies. However, there seems to be a lack of analytical tools that simultaneously show welfare state outcomes and development potential. In this paper, we developed the Welfare State Scattergram. This result of two indices gives the welfare state's outcomes and fiscal capacity, the latter serving as a proxy for improvement potential. The indicator used for the X-axis is a modified debt-sustainability formula to indicate fiscal capacity and, thus, the development potential of the welfare state. The indicator used for the Y-axis gives the welfare state outcomes and consists of a weighted welfare state outcomes indicator.

AbstractAn important tradition in social policy writing sees the welfare state as an agent of social cohesion against the divisive conflicts of market capitalism. Social policy in the UK is now developing in a way that directly conflicts with this approach. This may signal the future direction of change in other countries, as crisis and slow growth limit available resources, and governments become increasingly committed to a neo‐liberal and consolidation agenda. The 2010 Conservative‐led coalition and 2015 Conservative governments in the UK use social policy to exacerbate and embed social divisions as part of a project to achieve permanent cuts in welfare state spending without damaging their own electoral chances. This article reviews the divisive welfare state policies in relation to taxation, benefits for working age people and for immigrants and between pensioners and non‐pensioners because these groups cover much of welfare state activity and are currently salient in a way that gives the project political purchase. It goes on to argue that the divisions mask a further neo‐liberal long‐term project, facilitated by Brexit, of reducing the proportion of national resources going to all recipients of social spending. In this sense, we are all in it together.

The welfare state is not merely a stand-in for missing markets; it can do a whole lot more. When generations overlap and the young must borrow to make educational investments, a dynamically-efficient welfare state, by taxing the middle-aged and offering a compensatory old-age pension, can generate higher long-run human capital and welfare compared to laissez faire. Along the transition, no generation is hurt and some are better off. If an intergenerational human capital externality is present, unfunded pensions can be gradually phased out entirely. Public pension reform can be rationalized on efficiency grounds without relying on political-economy concerns or aging.

The 'Social Democracy' of Sweden is commonly offered as a model for Europe and the West. Four Swedish authors combine to demonstrate the accelerating failure of the Swedish welfare state and the disillusion revealed by former adherents and advocates in Swedish industry and academia.

'Angesichts neo-liberaler Strömungen und schwerer wirtschaftlicher Probleme während der frühen 1990er Jahre befürchteten viele Beobachter, der schwedische Wohlfahrtsstaat würde sein umfassendes und geschlechter-gerechtes Profil verlieren. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert, dass die Veränderungen des schwedischen Wohlfahrtsstaates in den 1990er Jahren inkrementell, aber nicht fundamental waren. Tatsächlich wurden Kürzungen und Änderungen vorgenommen, diese resultieren allerdings nicht in einer radikalen Restrukturierung des Wohlfahrtsstaates. Die zentralen Sozialleistungen wurden universalistischer, nicht zuletzt dank des steigenden Anteils von Frauen am Arbeitsmarkt. Auch die öffentliche Kinderbetreuung wurde eher ausgedehnt denn eingeschränkt. Dies belegt, dass es nach wie vor Spielraum für Politikdivergenz gibt. Selbst einer kleinen offenen Wirtschaft mit dem höchsten Budgetdefizit innerhalb der OECD in den 1990er Jahren war es möglich, das nationale Budget wieder unter Kontrolle zu bringen, ohne den Wohlfahrtsstaat abzubauen.' (Autorenreferat)

This volume presents research on the recasting of European welfare states from the European Forum on Welfare at the European University Institute in Florence. The chapters include both comparative analyses of topical issues, and in-depth studies of changes in the major European countries

Literaturangaben

The welfare state is not merely a stand-in for missing markets; it can do a whole lot more. When generations overlap and the young must borrow to make educational investments, a dynamically-efficient welfare state, by taxing the middle-aged and offering a compensatory old-age pension, can generate higher long-run human capital and welfare compared to laissez faire. Along the transition, no generation is hurt and some are better off. If an intergenerational human capital externality is present, unfunded pensions can be gradually phased out entirely. Public pension reform can be rationalized on efficiency grounds without relying on political-economy concerns or aging.

Der Aufsatz behandelt die "soziopolitische Seite des Übergangs zum Interventionsstaat" in Großbritannien im ausgehenden 19. und beginnenden 20. Jahrhundert. Er faßt die Literatur der letzten 15 Jahre zusammen, darüber hinaus werden ausgewählte zeitgenössische Dokumente angeführt. Der Autor konstatiert einen grundlegenden Bewußtseinswandel in der viktorianischen Öffentlichkeit, der ein Abrücken vom klassischen "laissez-faire-Prinzip" hin zur Staatsintervention beinhaltete. Dieser Wandel wird innerhalb der verschiedenen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen nachvollzogen, namentlich in der Arbeiterbewegung, den beiden Parteien, den Wirtschaftswissenschaften und bei den Intellektuellen. Im Zentrum der Untersuchung steht dabei die Diskussion in der liberalen Partei und das Verhältnis der Arbeiterbewegung zu diesem "Neoliberalismus". Nach Lottes verdankt der britische Sozialstaat den Liberalen seine Entstehung, zugleich leitete er aber eine umfassende politische Umwälzung ein: Die Reformmaßnahmen nach 1906 überforderten die Integrationskraft der liberalen Partei, der daraufhin einsetzende Wählerverlust nach links und rechts untergrub ihre politische Position auf Dauer, die dann von der Labour-Partei eingenommen wurde. Insgesamt sieht der Autor in der Entstehung des Welfare-State einen Umbruch, der in Großbritannien viel tiefgreifender war als dann auf dem Kontinent. (JF)

In order to analyze the economic effects of various policy proposals for reforming the welfare state a model has been developed called MIMIC. The structure of this model is presented in the first part of this book. The model combines various modern labour market theories with a detailed description of relevant labour market institutions in an applied general equilibrium context. The second part of the volume contains an elaborate presentation of the simulation results of MIMIC, such as various tax policies, a reduction in benefits or the official minimum wage, individualization of the tax and social security system and the introduction of negative income tax. The model has proved to be a unique instrument for policy evaluation for the Netherlands.

An ethical defense of the welfare state may, as Robert E. Goodin has argued, adumbrate the notion that responsibility to provide for "needy strangers" flows from the same source as family responsibility. But this view of the moral responsibility for protecting vulnerable people is open to challenge. In this Controversy, Jeffrey Obler takes issue on this point, and Goodin replies.