Suchergebnisse

This volume presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behaviour and support for democracy in 13 countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys held in 'old' and 'new' democracies in Europe and Asia (Hong Kong) between 1990 and 2004

The findings reported in this monograph (in two parts, published as WP 351 and WP 352) are based upon a broad-based, multi-method analysis of Spanish politics and society, including five national surveys conducted over nearly three decades, and many in-depth qualitative interviews with a "panel" of respondents who had been interviewed six years earlier. With these rich data resources, we are able to address a number of important hypotheses. We find that lifelong patterns of active engagement with democratic politics are primarily the product of childhood and youngadult political socialization (including formal education and informal socialization within the family) in both the Franco regime and the new democratic political system. In contrast, support for democracy in Spain was acquired primarily through adult political learning, with prominent political elites and their respective parties playing the key roles. Using both cross-sectional survey data and qualitative interview data, we explore the various and complex ways that individuals receive information about politics through relevant political intermediaries. These same data resources enable us to explore between 1979 and 2004 both the processes through which voters acquire potentially stabilizing long-term attitudinal links to partisan politics (especially party identification and left-right loyalties), as well as those forces (especially socio-economic and cultural change, and strategic decisions made by political elites) that can lead to substantial transformations of parties and party systems. For technical reasons, this monograph appears in two parts. The first part (WP 351) deals with the origins of support for democracy, disaffection and political engagement, and political intermediation. The second part (WP 352) focuses on voting, partisanship and ideology, and on the factors explaining the vote

The findings reported in this monograph (in two parts, published as WP 351 and WP 352) are based upon a broad-based, multi-method analysis of Spanish politics and society, including five national surveys conducted over nearly three decades, and many in-depth qualitative interviews with a "panel" of respondents who had been interviewed six years earlier. With these rich data resources, we are able to address a number of important hypotheses. We find that lifelong patterns of active engagement with democratic politics are primarily the product of childhood and youngadult political socialization (including formal education and informal socialization within the family) in both the Franco regime and the new democratic political system. In contrast, support for democracy in Spain was acquired primarily through adult political learning, with prominent political elites and their respective parties playing the key roles. Using both cross-sectional survey data and qualitative interview data, we explore the various and complex ways that individuals receive information about politics through relevant political intermediaries. These same data resources enable us to explore between 1979 and 2004 both the processes through which voters acquire potentially stabilizing long-term attitudinal links to partisan politics (especially party identification and left-right loyalties), as well as those forces (especially socio-economic and cultural change, and strategic decisions made by political elites) that can lead to substantial transformations of parties and party systems. For technical reasons, this monograph appears in two parts. The first part (WP 351) deals with the origins of support for democracy, disaffection and political engagement, and political intermediation. The second part (WP 352) focuses on voting, partisanship and ideology, and on the factors explaining the vote.

Voting in Old and New Democracies examines voting behavior and its determinants based on 26 surveys from 18 countries on five continents between 1992 and 2008. It systematically analyzes the impact on voting choice of factors rooted in the currently dominant approaches to the study of electoral behavior, but adds to this analysis factors introduced or reintroduced into this field by the Comparative National Elections Project (CNEP)socio-political values, and political communication through media, personal discussion, and organizational intermediaries. It demonstrates empirically that these long-neglected factors have significant political impact in many countries that previous studies have overlooked, while "economic voting" is insignificant in most elections once long-term partisan attitudes are taken into consideration. Its examination of electoral turnout finds that the strongest predictor is participation by other family members, demonstrating the importance of intermediation. Another chapter surveys cross-national variations in patterns of intermediation, and examines the impact of general social processes (such as socioeconomic and technological modernization), country-specific factors, and individual-level attitudinal factors as determinants of those patterns. Complementing its cross-national comparative analysis is a detailed longitudinal case study of one country over 25 years. Finally, it examines the extent of support for democracy as well as significant cross-national differences in how democracy is understood by citizens.--

Résumé Cet article examine sur trois décennies, la nature, l'évolution et les conséquences des attitudes antipartis des citoyens espagnols, portugais, italiens, grecs. Les auteurs reviennent sur le problème du désengagement politique dans une perspective se voulant plus mesurée et nuancée que les productions récentes en science politique. À l'aide de données statistiques, ils isolent deux types distincts d'antipartisme : l'antipartisme réactif comme réaction conjoncturelle et l'antipartisme culturel comme réaction culturelle. S'appuyant sur cette typologie originale - contre une vision unilatérale de la crise des partis et des démocraties occidentales - ils démontrent la relativité du lien entre sentiments antipartis, la montée des réactions antisystèmes, l'opposition à la démocratie et les modalités de participation alternatives.