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AbstractThe internationalisation of economic and political affairs changes the way in which business interests are brought to bear on public policy. This is a global phenomenon but can, in particular, be observed in Europe. The construction of the European Union, the development of the Single Market and the build‐up of the policy institutions to go with it, together change business–government relations profoundly. This paper answers the question of how organised business interests relate to government agencies and political institutions. By using the example of trade associations in the Netherlands and Germany, the paper shows that, despite the internationalisation of public affairs in Europe, the national political level remains strategically important for the representation of business interests. The paper thus argues that changes in European business–government relations are institutionally embedded at both the European and the national level. The implication for future research is that much of the dynamics of economic and political internationalisation materialises within the domestic arrangements of interest politics. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications

AbstractThis paper examines whether an effective state‐business relationship, facilitated by an organised private sector, improves firm performance in seven sub‐Saharan African countries: Benin, Ethiopia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, South Africa and Zambia. The findings reveal that, on average, state‐business relationships enhance firm productivity by about 25–35 per cent in sub‐Saharan African firms. This effect appears to set in through an improved investment climate—including reduced corruption, better provision of public utilities and information technology development—and higher labour productivity. These gains are not confined to small and medium sized firms but have a similar positive impact on large firms. Further, both domestic and foreign‐owned firms appear to benefit from joining business associations, although the impact is somewhat larger for the latter. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This paper examines the ways in which taxation, social and labour (T S & L) policies in Argentina and Chile have been shaped by state-business relations and capital-labour relations in a context where business organizations/associations have different degrees of cohesiveness through time. At the heart of the theoretical framework is the view that social democratic/egalitarian/progressive policy proposals must incorporate the role of unequal power relations in the shaping of such policies. The authors suggest that the implementation and maintenance over time of such policies by the state is a contested process that mediates between business pressures for pro-business policies and the larger society´s demands for social justice. This suggests the need for what they call a political and policy mix (PPM) that could maintain business confidence in the presence of strong unions and a strong welfare state - at least for a while. Yet the authors suggest that designing a well-functioning PPM is hardly an easy task, given the contested and turbulent terrain in which the state operates. Finally, they argue following Schumpeter, Kaldor, and others that there is a need for a fiscal sociology of taxation in order to understand historically determined economic, social, political, and institutional factors that shape the level and composition of taxation which is central to financing of social democratic policies.

Tsui, Sing Yan Eric. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-145). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1. --- Concern on State-Business Relations ; Introduction: Political Debates on State-Business Relations ; Theorietical Debates on State-Business Relations ; Cipher State Models ; Guardian State Models ; Partisan State Models ; Theories on Hong Kong´ةs Situation ; Synarchy and Administrative Absorption ; Boundary Politics and Bureaucratic Politics ; Overview ; Chapter Chapter 2. --- Power and Network ; The Problem of Power ; Dahl and his Critics ; Power and Networks ; "Power, Brokerage and Closure" ; Centrality and Power ; Lessons from Social Capital Studies ; Brokerage and Closure as Indicators of Power ; Conclusions ; Chapter Chapter 3. --- Methodology and Research Design ; Concepts of the Study ; Data Collection and Research Design ; Executive Council as Decision Making Network ; Measuring Social Linkages ; "Measuring Brokerage, Closure and Power" ; Assessing the Business Community ; Comparing State and Business Power ; Chapter Chapter 4. --- Research Findings ; The Network of Executive Councilors ; The Network of HSIC firms ; HSIC firms´ةs representative in Executive Council ; Comparing the Power of the State and Prominent Business ; Summary of Findings ; Chapter Chapter 5. --- State-Business Relations from 1982 to 1988: On the Edge of Transformations ; Findings in the Period ; Events in the Period ; The Problem of Political Future ; Beijing-Business Relations ; Localization of the Business Community ; Impacts of the Events ; Impacts from the role of Sovereigns ; Impacts from Localization of the Business Sector ; Summary ; Chapter Chapter 6. --- State-Business Relations from 1989 to 1996: Transition and Transformations ; Findings in the Period ; Events in the Period ; Changes in British Policy ; The Strengthening of Beijing-Business Alliance ; Impacts of the Events ; The Pushing Effect of London´ةs Policies ; The Pulling ...

PurposeParallel with business and society relationships, the business and government relationship needs greater attention. Business and government relations beyond short‐term lobbying could be seen as a strategic activity aimed at creating sustainable value for the company. As such it would become much easier to achieve competitive advantage and align the company's commercial with the public interest. This paper seeks to examine this issue.Design/methodology/approachThe paper aims to scan the issue with a view to further research.FindingsThe economic crisis and the imminent new wave of regulation make a new approach to lobbying more pressing.Originality/valueThe paper is based on political and economic writings and on practical experience in the public and private sector.

High status groups in Portuguese society constitute a social context in which familial relations are of great importance, both at the level of family members' daily agency and on the far broader scale of their social and professional relations. The author analyses in this article the way familial relations become important processes by which an elite social position may be maintained. The argument is based on fieldwork carried out by the author on seven leading business families in Lisbon who own large firms in operation for at least three generations. This research has showed that the processes by which these families manage to remain majority shareholders and in the top management position in the large companies they have owned for several generations is due, to a great extent, to the fact that these economic investments are considered the symbolic materialisation of a familial project. It is by means of carefully managing familial relations that those involved in these projects are able to ensure and reproduce their belonging to Portugal's financial and social upper set. This argument is illustrated throughout my research into the processes by which the leading families in Portugal's economic setting before the democratic revolution in 1974 have recovered their top financial and social positions in Portugal today.

High status groups in Portuguese society constitute a social context in which familial relations are of great importance, both at the level of family members' daily agency and on the far broader scale of their social and professional relations. The author analyses in this article the
way familial relations become important processes by which an elite social position may be maintained. The argument is based on fieldwork carried out by the author on seven leading business families in Lisbon who own large firms in operation for at least three generations. This research has
showed that the processes by which these families manage to remain majority shareholders and in the top management position in the large companies they have owned for several generations is due, to a great extent, to the fact that these economic investments are considered the symbolic materialisation
of a familial project. It is by means of carefully managing familial relations that those involved in these projects are able to ensure and reproduce their belonging to Portugal's financial and social upper set. This argument is illustrated throughout my research into the processes by which
the leading families in Portugal's economic setting before the democratic revolution in 1974 have recovered their top financial and social positions in Portugal today.