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By embedding value cues in their rhetoric, presidential candidates hope to present themselves and their parties as stewards of those values. This article examines the effects of this rhetoric by testing two hypotheses. The first hypothesis is that this rhetoric educates the public about the values of the candidates and their parties. The second suggests that this rhetoric primes existing perceptions of party "ownership" of values. The author's findings suggest that candidates are successful at using value rhetoric to modify public perceptions of their values as individuals. However, this rhetoric does not affect perceptions of party labels and individual candidates identically.

In the lack of fit model and role congruity theory it is suggested that mismatch between female candidates and agentic, male-typed jobs is responsible for discrimination when women apply for leadership positions. In 2 studies we examined the effects of job–applicant mismatch and
evaluator sexism on candidate evaluations. In Study 1 (participant evaluators N = 306), mismatch between a female applicant and an agentic job was beneficial for hireability and competence when the evaluator was male and scored low in sexism. However, we were surprised by the result
that female evaluators who scored high in sexism rated female applicants for communal jobs lower on competence, likeability, and hireability than did female evaluators who scored low in sexism. In Study 2 (participant evaluators N = 619), evaluator sexism was related to hireability
through competence but not through likeability. Further research should be conducted to explore why sexist women devalue a female candidate who is applying for a communal position.

AbstractWomen who ran for office in 2018 used a variety of strategies on the campaign trail, with some highlighting more masculine traits and others more feminine traits, but the latter was more common than in prior years. We ask how effective these strategies are for trait evaluations, perceptions of leadership and competence, likeability, and vote choice and how this effect varies based on respondent's views about the role of women in society. To explore these relationships, we use data from a two-wave panel conducted in the winter of 2019. Results from our experiment show that female candidates who highlight more masculine traits are perceived as more agentic, less communal, and more competent, and, importantly, they do not appear to suffer from a backlash effect. Those higher in sexism also evaluate women who display these qualities as more competent, though as less warm and likable.

Domain‐specific measures, such as political ideology and sophistication, have been used in models of how citizens evaluate candidates for political office. Non‐domain‐specific factors, such as age, may have additional explanatory power in models of evaluations and affect the type of information processing strategies employed by citizens. Specifically, the use of person‐ and issue‐based information in evaluation strategies may be affected by the cognitive structure of aging, including the acquisition of person impression skills and resources. We test this hypothesis using the Pooled Senate Election Study (1988–92) and the 1974 American National Election Study. The analysis reveals that younger citizens base their evaluations mostly on issue‐based criteria, but as citizens age they add person‐based criteria to their evaluations. Implications for decision‐making models are discussed.

AbstractObjectiveThis study aims to examine the influence of Republican and Democratic partisan television news on attitudes toward candidates for president immediately following the 2016 general election.MethodUsing two waves of the 2016 American National Election Study, we examine feelings toward Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton before and after the election.ResultsExposure to Republican partisan media did have a significant negative effect on feelings toward Hillary Clinton, even when controlling for party identification, ideology, and feelings toward Clinton before the election. Consumption of Democratic partisan television, however, had no influence on feelings toward Donald Trump.ConclusionFurther fragmentation and the expansion of partisan media has—and will continue to—benefit Republicans over Democrats.

As approval ratings of the U.S. Congress remain depressed, many candidates present themselves as mavericks, willing to counter their party on issues. Yet disagreeing with one's party can be a risky decision and one that is not equally viable for all politicians. In particular, female candidates often face a hostile political climate that privileges "masculine" traits over feminine traits, which may tie female candidates to their party's platform. An experimental study manipulating issue disagreement for a female versus male candidate demonstrates that the female candidate consistently faces harsher penalties in terms of candidate evaluations and voting intentions for disagreeing with her party on multiple issues. Implications for candidate behavior, campaign strategies, and political decision making are discussed.Related Articles

Grossmann, Matt. 2014. "." Politics & Policy 42 (): 881‐904. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12102


Joslyn, Mark R., and
Donald P. Haider‐Markel. 2014. "." Politics & Policy 42 (): 919‐947. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12098/full


Kostadinova, Tatiana, and
Petia Kostadinova. 2016. "." Politics & Policy 44 (): 5‐34. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12145/full
Related Media
2016. "Trump, As Outsider, Broke Every Rule on Road to Victory." November 9. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = rWnRYDRLF7U


Couric, Katie. 2014. "Why Aren't There More Women in Politics?" Youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = XJBbdr6Z5O8


Manning, Jennifer. 2014. "Membership of the 113th Congress: A Profile." Congressional Research Service. November 24. http://www.senate.gov/CRSReports/crs-publish.cfm?pid=%260BL%2BR%5CC%3F%0A

The 2012 election was marked by discussions of women's issues from abortion to equal pay, and both presidential candidates employed strategies designed to win female voters. Since women vote in larger numbers than men and are more likely to be swing voters, it was imperative that the candidates win support among women. This study draws from group identification theories to better understand the process of gender socialization that influences young women's perceptions of candidates and the effect of targeted advertising. The findings of this study build upon existing group identification theory and suggest the need for more nuanced theories of female voters that take into consideration identification with one's gender group as well as beliefs about women's roles in society. Specifically, this study found that strong gender group identification was associated with higher favorability ratings of Obama. Women holding more egalitarian gender role beliefs were also more likely to rate Obama favorably. Gender group identification did not influence ratings of Romney, but women with more traditional gender role beliefs rated Romney more favorably. No direct support was found for an effect of targeted political advertising in this study, however, we argue that additional research is needed in this area.

The state of knowledge regarding the relative influence of issues, parties, and candidates across time in presidential elections is confounded because researchers have typically employed standardized correlation coefficients. Employing unstandardized coefficients on openended presidential candidate evaluations for the 1952 to 1984 elections, this article examines the manner and extent to which the relationship between issues, party, candidates, and the vote have fluctuated over time. The results suggest, as have others, that party influence on the vote has declined. However, no evidence is found to support the assertion of an increase in issue influence on the vote decision. Candidate influence on the vote is found to be stable over time.