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The 2005–8 food crisis was a shock to political elites, but in some respects the situation was normal. Food policies are failing to respond adequately to the squeeze on land, people, health and environment. Strong evidence of systems failure and stress, termed here New Fundamentals, ought to reframe twenty-first century food politics and effort. Yet so far, international discourse is too often narrow and technical. The paper suggests that 2005–8 reinforced how the dominant twentieth century productionist policy paradigm is running out of steam. This assumed that producing more food would resolve social problems. Yet distortions in markets, access and culture remain. At national and international levels of governance, despite realization of the enormity of the challenge ahead, there is still a belief in slow incremental change.

In this paper we consider modern economy crisis regarding conflict of two matrix: economic-political organizing of society which marked modern western civilization, or in other words collectivism model and its planned economy versus individualism model and its market economy. Although matrix of individualism has become a winner over communism, modern crisis seems to launch the question on of clearness of attitude about the concept's superiority. Crisis` difficulties definition includes no existing dominant paradigm which could be used in understanding modern society. ; ? ???? ?????? ?????????? ????????? ????????? ????? ???? ?????? ?????? ????? ??????? ?????????-?????????? ???????????? ??????? ??????? ???? ?? ????????? ??????? ??????? ????????????, ??. ???????????????? ?????? ? ???? ?????????? ??????? ????????, ?? ????? ??????, ? ?????????????????? ?????? ? ???? ?????????? ??????? ????????, ?? ????? ??????. ???? ?? ????????????????? ??????? ????? ????? ????????? ???????? ??? ?????????, ????????? ????? ???? ?? ?? ?????? ? ?????? ??????????????? ???????? ? ???????????? ????????. ?????? ????? ????? ?? ???????? ? ?????? ??????????? ???????????? ????????? ????? ???????? ????????? ???????.

Three years after the November 2017 coup in Zimbabwe and the installation of Emmerson Mnangagwa as ruling party and state president, there is growing scholarly interest in identifying the character of the post-coup regime, particularly in comparison to the 37-year reign of Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF. So far, there are continuities and changes, with increasing concerns about a qualitative shift in the militarization of Zimbabwean state and society under Mnangagwa and the further closing down of civil society space. Perhaps more so than during the first two years of post-coup Zimbabwe, this has become abundantly clear during the Covid-19 pandemic lockdown.

Crisis has become such a ubiquitous word that its discriminatory power is diminished
across various disciplines. It challenges the word-concept relationship
inasmuch as it is associated with a host of partner words that imbue crisis
with divergent meanings. Not least, it stretches between major upheavals and
minor disturbances, often employed with calculating or rhetorical dramatic
effect. This article explores both professional and vernacular usages of "crisis"
and notes the distinction between theories of crisis and ideologies of crisis.
It then turns to examining two domains closely linked to the language of
crisis: Marxist analyses of capitalism, and legitimation problems. The latter is
explored particularly through Seymour Martin Lipset and Jürgen Habermas.
The role of crisis as filtered through different ideological families is indicated.
Finally, the relationship between the tipping-point connotations of crisis and
the finality drive of political decisions is considered.

The immediate causes of the current crisis in socialism are the highly authoritarian and extremely hierarchical political and economic structures created by Leninism. Yet the collapse of state socialism also appears to be part of a more general crisis of socialism, a crisis that includes even its potentially more democratic variants. At the core of this broader crisis lies the diminishing appeal of the publicly owned enterprise, an institution that has always been central to the very definition of socialism, but whose economic advantages are called into question by the recent and rapid development of global markets in factors of production and especially in assets. Consequently, communism's demise by no means signifies a victory for either democratic socialism or even social democracy.

The European crisis is not a new crisis but an extension of the global crisis that started in 2007. It represents the third stage of the global crisis and is characterized by a combination of signs of productive recovery in some countries with recession in others, by the reproduction of the neoliberal orthodoxy in the economic policy of the major countries, and the formation of new areas of speculative bubbles and financial fragility. There are many institutional weaknesses in the European Union following the crisis: the lack of a lender of last resort; the neoliberal configuration of the institutional framework; the absence of mechanisms that would permit governments to reduce budget deficits other than through deflationary methods; and the lack of fiscal coordination. However, the problems of the European Union go beyond these institutional deficiencies: there are contradictions and difficulties on the structural level that go back to the beginning of the integration process. The main problem is that the euro, in contrast to the currencies of the developed countries (dollar, pound, yen), has no regional productive system, and much less a state, behind it. Adapted from the source document.

There is no official definition of a humanitarian crisis in international law.

This chapter aims to analyse to what extent and how increased migration to Europe has triggered conflicting ideas of solidarity in Europe. It integrates analytical and normative approaches to the concept of solidarity. The chapter analyses how appeals for solidarity are used to justify a certain policy. It examines whether the migration crisis may be understood as a solidarity crisis. By combining the four dimensions of solidarity, the chapter also analyses what idea of solidarity the Member States have committed themselves to in the framework of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). It discusses the concept of solidarity both as an analytical and a normative concept. The chapter also discusses the understanding of solidarity applied in the CEAS. It also examines how EU institutions appeal for solidarity and whether there are conflicting perceptions of solidarity within the EU. Regulations the Member States have agreed on EU laws, which determine the Member State responsible for persons in need of international protection. ; acceptedVersion

Welchen Beitrag kann die wissenschaftliche Psychologie zur Gestaltung unserer Lebensbedingungen leisten angesichts der Herausforderungen der gegenwärtigen sozial-ökonomischen Krise? Zur Diskussion dieser Frage geht der Autor aus von einer - bewußt vereinfachenden - Gegenüberstellung zweier Wissenschaftsauffassungen in der Psychologie; der naturwissenschaftlich-nomologischen und der sozialwissenschaftlich-hermeneutischen. Die Überlegungen gliedern sich in drei Thesen: (1) Die "Krise der Psychologie" besteht in der Blindheit des nomologischen Wissenschaftsverständnisses für die gegenwärtige gesellschaftliche Krise. (2) Die nomologische Psychologie kann zur Bewältigung lebenspraktischer Problemlagen strukturell nur "Anfängerwissen" beisteuern. (3) Aus dem hermeneutischen Ansatz läßt sich demgegenüber eine "Psychologie der Krise" bzw. der Krisenbewältigung entwickeln. Die vertretene Gegenposition besteht in der Forderung, die wissenschaftliche Psychologie zu einer Psychologie zu entwickeln, deren Gegenstand Krisen und Konflikte im menschlichen Zusammenleben sind. Das erfordert ein Wissenschaftsverständnis, dessen Grundlage nicht das Messen, sondern das Sinnverstehen ist. Hierzu gibt es neben dem akademischen "Hauptstrom" der nomologischen Psychologie vielfältige Ansätze einer verstehenden, humanistischen, phänomenologischen, historischen, kritischen, kultur-, sozial- und geisteswissenschaftlichen Psychologie. (pmb)