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The Japanese developmental state catapulted Japan into economic prominence. However, almost just as world attention focused on Japan's distinctive model, the era of the developmental state was drawing to a close. A generation of scholars has ably documented the story of Japan's developmental state by focusing on industrial policy. They chronicled how a strong bureaucracy buffered by insulation from politicians lay at the heart of the developmental state. As Joseph Wong points out in the introductory essay to this special issue, scholars have also argued that the developmental state contained within itself the seeds of its own dismantling.1Since the 1960s, formal powers had been stripped from the bureaucracy, leaving it increasingly dependent upon "administrative guidance" not legally enforceable.2By the late 1980s, the very success of the developmental state had eroded the powers of the bureaucracy to set industrial policy.

The ruling party defines South Africa as a 'developmental state', but with its rising job losses, growth that is lower than most of its African neighbours and rising inequality can that really apply? What's missing, asks John Matisonn.

Prominent development institutions and researchers have documented the ascendance of China in the global political economy and mainly explored how the global balance of power is affected by China's growing economic expansion. Political economists have argued that it is part of the generic economic power shift from the global north to south whilst security studies place emphasis on Chinese national geopolitical interests in several regions. This article discusses what lessons can be drawn from China's developmental state experience and how these can inform Sub-Saharan African developmental strategies. We argue that China's rise has been driven by both market and non-market institutions and show how peculiar contextual historical and socio-political factors have been integral to building the Chinese developmental state. This demonstrates the importance of building effective state institutions to support sustainable economic growth and human development. We highlight the principles shaping institutional mechanisms relating to the rapid economic growth and argue that African governments should apply these in their attempts to rebuild state capacity. However, we also point out that negative trends such as authoritarianism and persistent inequality should not be replicated. Rather, Sub-Saharan Africa should build democratic developmental states characterised by pro-poor sustainable inclusive growth.

Post World War II, Greece was enjoying, by and large, significant economic growth that was only slightly lower than that of other Western European nations. However, immediately after the financial crisis of 2007-2008, the country faced a sovereign debt crisis. This continuing multifaceted crisis reached the populace as a series of restrictive measures and sudden reforms (what James K. Galbraith (2016) labels ?economic policy as moral abomination?), which resulted in a very long recession, high unemployment, massive inequalities and marginalization, increased social exclusion, and huge migration of thousands of well-educated Greeks. Within such economic development context, this contribution provides an overview of Greece?s past economic development efforts and challenges (Section 1); discusses important notions of a highly interventionist developmental state framework with ?Greek characteristics? as its main focus (Section 2); and offers developmental state-based policy implications, which are deemed necessary for the revival and global repositioning of Greek industrial sectors of high potential and achievability (Section 3). Summary and conclusions end the article.

This article aims to examine the impact of globalization to developmental state model as practiced in South Korean. The model, which requires a high state intervention in economic development process, in a great tension with spririt of democratization and economic liberalization or minimal state intervention embedded in globalization. Contrary to commonly assumed, this article argues that the developmental state to retain state's critical role in economic development, yet it shall improve its transparency dan democratic policy-making.

Di John J. Taxation, developmental state capacity and poverty reductionInt J Soc Welfare 2011: 20: 270–279 © 2011 United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), International Journal of Social Welfare © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare.This article argues that policy instruments in taxation are likely to be more effective when one views taxation not only in terms of administrative capacity, but also when tax is viewed in wider developmental processes. Much of the literature and policy on taxation explores how to improve taxation in terms of administrative capacity without examining what policies are needed to improve the incentives of taxpayers to comply. The article provides examples of how tax reform can be more usefully employed when linked to explicit production strategies. It also argues that the success of improved tax collection needs to be assessed, not simply in terms of revenue increases, but also how these increases affect distributional outcomes and political stability.

Asia after the Developmental State presents cutting-edge analyses of state-society transformation in Asia under globalisation. The volume incorporates a variety of political economy and public policy oriented positions, and collectively explores the uneven evolution of new public management and neoliberal agendas aimed at reordering state and society around market rationality. Taken together, the contributions explore the emergence of marketisation across Asia, including China, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam - what is now often described as the world's most economically dynamic region - and the degree to which marketisation has taken root, in what forms, and how this is impacting state, society and market relationships.

Tanzania has been experiencing different periods of food shortages mainly because of insufficient food production. While the country has an undisputable potential for food production, the state and its development partners, such as the World Bank, believe that the unsustainable peasant food production is the main cause of the food crisis. As a panacea to the food crisis, a call for de-peasantization in favour of commercial large-scale farming, is advocated. Inspired by the work of Sam Moyo, this article argues that achieving food self-sufficiency should begin with improving peasant agriculture instead of dispossessing peasants of their land. The principles of food sovereignty must be adopted and the orientation of the state must be developmental. The state must play an activist role in investing heavily in agricultural-related projects.

The paper critically examines the extent to which Malawi's economic and political developments, leading to the country's Third Republic, have contributed to the country's quest towards achieving the basic attributes of a democratic developmental state. An analytical framework is developed to examine this covering the post-independence political and economic regimes. The analysis reveals that despite experiencing some episodes of high growth rates, the country has been marred by autocratic tendencies, rampant corruption and nepotism. Oftentimes the political and economic system remained fragile as the performance of the different governments pre-2020 had been hardly inspiring in relation to peoples' expectations.