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When the Stockton & Darlington Railway opened in 1825, it was the first steam-powered railway to carry passengers. Since then there has been no shortage of music connected with trains and railways: orchestral pieces and popular songs describing railway journeys; those that celebrate the opening of a new line; worksongs and blues describing the hardship of building the railroads, even the first use of sampled music used railway sounds as its source. The railway has inspired countless pieces of music from the pastoral serenity of the Flanders and Swann song 'Slow train' to the shrieking horror of holocaust trains in Steve Reich's Different Trains. This is the first book to give a comprehensive coverage of music connected with the railways.

In the nineteenth century, thousands of miles of railway lines transformed time, space and distance. Across Europe composers celebrated with music such as waltzes and polkas, cantatas, piano pieces and saucy music hall songs. Moving into the twentieth century, iconic twentieth-century works, such as Britten's Night Mail and Honegger's Pacific 231, captured the sounds of locomotives. Railways and trains are so deeply ingrained in the popular imagination that they feature in hundreds, possibly thousands, of popular songs. In North America, early railroad songs told of hoboes, heroes, villains, and train wrecks and the sounds of the railroad were heard in boogie-woogie, blues, gospel, jazz, and rock music. In total, this book describes over 50 pieces of classical music and covers more than 250 popular songs.

a contracept to the name understood as serious music (e-music) apostrophic art music, although only a few musical genera are in principle excluded from the entertainment claim (liturgical music, cultric music, representation music). ; Als Gegenbegriff zu der als Ernste Musik (E-Musik) apostrophierten Kunstmusik verstandene Bezeichnung, obwohl nur wenige musikalische Gattungen grundsätzlich vom Unterhaltungsanspruch ausgeschlossen sind (Liturgische Musik, kultische Musik, Repräsentationsmusik).

The case study is about loss of business due to piracy and file-sharing in the music industry in Britain. According to a survey by Ipsos Inc. (2006), CD piracy cost the industry £165m in lost revenue in 2005 - nearly 10% of total sales. The survey found that 37 million pirated CDs were sold in Britain in 2005. The piracy of music in Britain has pinned the British Music Industry (BMI) and the music artists against the internet service providers, the government and the consumers. The BMI is blaming the Internet Service Provider (ISP) firms for not policing illegal downloads of music and asked them to disconnect people who ignore requests to stop sharing music. The ISP firms do not see their role as policing the piracy problem and do not agree with BMI. The BMI is pressuring the government to legislate copyright offenses related to music downloads in Britain. Also, the BMI wants the consumers engaged in copyright offense of music piracy to be prosecuted for criminal offense in addition to civil offenses. The consumers disagree with the BMI. The case study discusses the current actions of the BMI, ISPs and the British Government.

Before the digital era, music consumption was limited to purchasing LPs, tapes and CDs, or attending concerts. With digitization and mobile technologies in tow, the consumption of music exploded. Music is now literally everywhere—but none of it is actually free. Our consumption of it on television and cable, through games on our computers and our phones, through subscriptions or sites with built-in never-ending streams of advertising always has a price. Music is everywhere, but how did this happen? How has digital distribution and production changed the recording industry? What are the consequences of ubiquitous music? In this article, I argue that the digital music trap is an outgrowth of digital capitalism that commodifies our everyday existence.

Algorithms C (Heritage)Creative Villages: New York City and Los Angeles; Multicultural Urban Music Scenes; Walking Through Music History; Music Ecosystems and Branding; Music, Technology and Urban Communication; Issues Affecting the Music Cities of New York City and Los Angeles; Los Angeles's Urban Sprawl; Pay-to-Play Music in Los Angeles; Impact of Gentrification; New York Is Music; Role of Night Mayors in the US; Conclusion; References; Part III: Life; Chapter 6: Marvelous (Musical) Melbourne (1835 to 1980s); Introduction; Stage 1: Indigenous Times to 1880 (Gold Rush to Marvelous Melbourne)

"Music from the backyard": Hagström's music education, is a PhD thesis that investigates the music education that the company Hagström ran from 1946 to 1983. The aim of the thesis is to investigate and recreate Hagström's music educational history from a Deweyan pragmatist point of departure. The study searched for answers to the following questions: What were the societal and educational settings in which Hagström's music education took place? How did Hagström's music education develop, and what led to its rise and fall? What educational content and pedagogical ideas constituted Hagström's music education? How can Hagström's educational enterprise be understood with the help of Bourdieu's theories of symbolic capital? Because of the historical nature of the study, the availability of empirical material was limited. Hagström had some archived material which I was given access to, and there were a great deal of periodicals from the time with articles about music education on people's spare time. Additionally, the Hagström course books were important documents, since they were the only centralized document to govern the directions for Hagström's music education. The pragmatist perspective of the study led to a desire to highlight parts of the human experience that constituted the history. Based on a snowball-sampling strategy, I traced down eleven persons from Sweden and Norway which were interviewed.The results of the analysis became a story about Hagström in the society - a story that revealed an entrepreneur whose company grew quickly and represented other values than the better parts of the cultural establishment in Sweden. The company rested on several pillars: The production of accordions, and later on even guitars, basses, organs and amplification systems, import of music merchandise, as well as the largest chain of music retail shops in the Nordic countries. The music education started in 1945 in Växjö, and in 1946, the rest of the country. In the beginning they taught accordion and guitar, but later developed to include electric bass, organ and keyboard as well. The courses were organised as group education with a duration of ten weeks in a semester. Geographically they were spread all over Sweden as well as around Oslo, Bergen and Copenhagen. All in all there were close to 100 000 pupils attending Hagström's music education. Hagström's music education was, despite new ideas such as group education and that the student should be able to play a melody as quickly as possible, a fairly traditional master-apprentice kind of education. The teacher demonstrated what he considered to be the correct technique and musical performance, and the student imitated. The pupil had little or no opportunities to influence the content of the education. On a macro level however, Hagström's music school was important in the process towards a more democratic music education in Sweden. Hagström helped to increase the availability of music education through their geographical dispersion as well as the affordability of attending the courses. An important difference from the other agents on the market that aimed to refine the students' musical preferences, was that Hagström had no musical agenda. Hagström might have contributed to Sweden's strong position on the global popular music scene. ; "Från musikundervisningens bakgårdar": Hagströms musikpedagogik är en monografi som behandlar den musikundervisning som bedrevs i företaget Hagströms regi från 1946 till 1982. Syftet med avhandlingen var att undersöka och återskapa Hagströms musikpedagogiska historia med utgångspunkt i ett pragmatisk utbildningspedagogiskt perspektiv. Studien sökte svar på följande frågor: I vilka sociala och utbildningsmässiga kontexter försiggick Hagströms musikutbildning? Hur utvecklades Hagströms musikundervisning och vad ledde till dess uppgång och fall? Vilket pedagogiskt innehåll och vilka pedagogiska var väsentliga i Hagströms musikpedagogiska verksamhet? Hur kan Hagströms musikpedagogiska verksamhet förstås med hjälp av Bourdieus teorier om symbolisk kapital? Som historisk studie var det tillgängliga empiriska materialet begränsat. Hagström hade en del arkivmaterial lagrat som jag kunde få tillgång till, och det fanns en mängd tidskrifter från den aktuella perioden som behandlade utbildningen. Kursböckerna var viktiga dokument genom att de var de enda centraliserade styrdokumentet för hur Hagströms musikskola skulle utformas. Det pragmatiska perspektivet förde med sig ett behov av att synliggöra delar av den mänskliga erfarenhet som konstituerar historien. Baserad på en snöbollssamplings-strategi spårade jag elva personer från Sverige och Norge som jag intervjuade. Resultatet av analyserna blev en historia om Hagström i samhället - en historia som visade en entreprenör vars företag växte snabbt och i opposition till stora delar av det kulturella etablissemanget i Sverige. Bolaget hade flera ben att stå på: Produktion av dragspel och senare även gitarrer, basar orglar och förstärkarsystem, import av musikutrustning, försäljning genom Nordens största kedja med butiker, tryck av noter samt musikundervisning.Musikundervisningen startade 1945 i Växjö och 1946 i resten av landet. Instrumenten som det inledningsvis undervisades på var dragspel och gitarr men det utvecklades till att även inkludera elbas, orgel och keyboard. Kurserna var organiserade som gruppundervisning och en kurs pågick under tio veckor. Geografiskt var de spridda över nästan hela Sverige samt runt Oslo, Bergen och Köpenhamn. Tillsammans estimerar jag att uppemot 100 000 elever har fått undervisning i Hagströms musikskola. Hagströms musikundervisning var, trots nya idéer som gruppundervisning och att eleven snabbt skulle uppnå klingande resultat, en variant av traditionell mästare-lärling-pedagogik. Läraren förevisade vad som ansågs rätt teknisk och musikalisk och eleven imiterade. Eleven hade liten eller ingen påverkan på innehållet i undervisningen. På ett makroplan var Hagströms musikskola viktig i arbetet med att demokratisera svensk musikpedagogik genom att tillgängligheten ökade. Vidare var kursavgifterna överkomliga och det var billigt att hyra instrument. Hagström hade ingen musikalisk agenda, vilket skilde honom från andra aktörer på marknaden som hade som mål att förädla elevernas musikaliska preferenser. Hagströms musikskola kan sägas ha bidragit till vad som nuförtiden kallas det svenska musikundret. ; Godkänd; 2009; 20090501 (kettho); DISPUTATION Ämnesområde: Musikpedagogik / Music Education Opponent: Professor Gunnar Ternhag, Högskolan Dalarna Ordförande: Professor Sture Brändström, Luleå tekniska universitet Tid: Fredag 5 juni 2009, klockan 13:00 Plats: Musikhögskolan Piteå, Sal L165

Classroom music teachers in England design their own music curricula for Key Stage 3 (11 – 14 year olds, 6th – 8th Grades). These curricula are designed in a context where policymakers define, regulate and legitimate curriculum formulations. This study traced curriculum development in England, where government has validated a policy driven approach. It explored programs of study, which music teachers in England design as summaries of musical learning for Key Stage 3. The research consisted of documentary analysis in a two-phase study of 13 secondary (high) schools in the English midlands, exploring musical knowledge for musical learning, which is analysed utilizing qualitative and quantitative methodologies. The paper concludes with a discussion which explores the impacts of music education policy on classroom practices, and presents a proposed model which captures this interaction.

The purpose of this study was to examine the practices and perspectives of music teachers who integrated popular music and informal music learning practices into their secondary school music programs. A primary goal was to understand music teachers' perspectives on the process of enacting change. The data for this parallel multiple-case study were four semistructured interviews, two school site visits and observations, documents, and a researcher journal. The content of teachers' interviews was synthesized in the form of four narratives. Teachers' pathways to becoming more reform-minded were marked by shifts in professional identity away from teacher-centered, autocratic mindsets toward student-centered, democratic approaches to music teaching and learning. The change process was natural for teachers. The tensions that typically surround popular music, informal music learning practices, and secondary music education (i.e., institutional constraints, music teachers' uncertainty, music teachers' views of popular music, and limited resources and professional development opportunities) were minimal for teachers in this study. Thematic analysis revealed eight characteristics of effective teacher-initiated change in secondary music education: (1) holistic and gradual change processes, (2) teacher reflection and inquiry, (3) teacher autonomy, (4) enabling institutional factors, (5) use of a variety of supportive networks, (6) student-centered pedagogy, (7) teacher-selected professional development, and (8) a balance of structure and chaos and formal and informal music learning practices. Teachers demonstrated the power of local change centered on democratic, student-centered practices and serve as exemplars for how K–12 teachers can step into traditionally structured music programs and create educational experiences for their adolescent students that are more relevant and engaging than what is currently being offered in many secondary music programs in the United States. ; ProQuest 3743553