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This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

The "party paradox" thesis claims that in the context of the legal corporate governance reforms of the 1990s, which aimed at adjusting national corporate governance systems to the "finance capitalism" of the Anglo-American type, center-left parties promoted proshareholder corporate governance reforms, whereas center-right parties opposed such reforms. Based on case studies of Switzerland, Sweden, and the Netherlands, this article shows that this thesis does not apply to two of these cases: In Sweden and the Netherlands a broad coalition uniting center-right and center-left parties opposed- with considerable success-proshareholder reforms. Therefore, the author argues that firm-level explanations of the "party paradox" are insufficient to understand the variance in center-left preferences across different cases. Instead, the historical role of labor in different countries is critical in the formation of center-left preferences. Where labor was not excluded from the formation of corporate governance structures, center-left support for proshareholder reform was weak. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

Cover -- Half-title -- Series information -- Title page -- Copyright information -- Table of contents -- List of contributors -- 1 Introduction -- The Labour leadership of Jeremy Corbyn -- A labour movement for change: Corbynmania -- Jeremy Corbyn: a prime minister in waiting? -- The themes and prospects of Corbynism -- Conclusions: the continuation of Corbynism? -- References -- 2 The election and re-election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party -- Electing Corbyn: the Labour Party leadership election of 2015 -- Re-electing Corbyn: the Labour Party leadership election of 2016 -- Analysis and conclusions -- References -- 3 Corbynism: A coherent ideology? -- What was Corbynism? -- Corbynism, class and populism -- Freeden on ideology -- Corbynism as an ideology -- Corbyn's leftist catch-allism? -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 Is Corbyn a populist? -- What is Corbynism? -- Populism as an ideology -- Populism as a discourse -- Populism as a political strategy -- Populism as a socio-cultural approach -- Conclusion -- References -- 5 Corbynism as identity politics -- Reshaping the Labour Party -- Projecting personality -- Conclusion: Corbynites - patient investors? -- References -- 6 An end to market mania and managerialist madness: Corbyn(ism) and the public sector -- Corbynism and the public sector -- Increasing funding and staffing -- Replacing "outsourcing" with "insourcing" -- How would unavoidable outsourcing be tackled? -- Reforming public sector governance -- Conclusion -- References -- 7 Jeremy Corbyn and dilemmas of leadership -- Jeremy Corbyn, 2015-20 -- Corbyn's leadership capital -- Political skill: an effective campaigner, but a poor manager -- Relations: loyal supporters and divided MPs -- Reputation: policy purity, but vacillation -- Conclusion -- References.

Discusses the 1998 annual report of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) which stresses the link between child malnutrition and general poverty, worldwide; critical of economic policies imposed on developing countries by international financial agencies such as the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.

Argues that Hong Kong, in its transition to Chinese rule, has actually become less socialist & friendlier to the interests of the business elite. In contrast to perceptions of colonial Hong Kong as the epitome of laissez-faire economics, it used a property system that precluded full property rights (& provided significant government revenues) & had a relatively generous social welfare program that included wide-scale housing subsidies. Since the onset of Chinese rule, social spending has been reduced against the wishes of democratic politicians, & the government has been realigned to favor an executive organ dominated by business leaders. This probusiness orientation developed out of the Chinese government's early courting of support for Chinese rule & has resulted in the suspension of workers' rights legislation, cuts in higher education, deprioritization of the environment, & general erosion of economic & social rights. A postscript assesses the implications of recent turbulence in Hong Kong's stock market. E. Blackwell