Suchergebnisse

The study on which this book is based began in 1986 with the fifth legislative session of the Cuban municipal assemblies. The research on which the book is based was supported in part by grants from the City University of New York PSC/CUNY Research Foundation.

Intro -- Francois Guizot, The History of the Origins of Representative Government in Europe -- Front Matter -- Title Page -- Copyright Details -- Table of Contents, p. v -- Introduction to the Liberty Fund Edition, p. vii -- Editor's Note, p. xvii -- Preface, p. xviii -- Table of Contents, p. xxi -- Part I. Representative Institutions in England, France, and Spain, from the Fifth to the Eleventh Century -- Lecture 1 , p. 3 -- Lecture 2, p. 20 -- Lecture 3, p. 28 -- Lecture 4, p. 35 -- Lecture 5, p. 41 -- Lecture 6, p. 47 -- Lecture 7, p. 56 -- Lecture 8, p. 66 -- Lecture 9, p. 71 -- Lecture 10, p. 75 -- Lecture 11, p. 82 -- Lecture 12, p. 89 -- Lecture 13, p. 95 -- Lecture 14, p. 101 -- Lecture 15, p. 108 -- Lecture 16, p. 115 -- Lecture 17, p. 123 -- Lecture 18, p. 129 -- Lecture 19, p. 134 -- Lecture 20, p. 142 -- Lecture 21, p. 149 -- Lecture 22, p. 154 -- Lecture 23, p. 167 -- Lecture 24, p. 178 -- Lecture 25, p. 185 -- Lecture 26, p. 196 -- Part 2. Essays of Representative Government in England, from the Conquest till the Reign of the Tudors, p. 219 -- Lecture 1, p. 221 -- Lecture 2, p. 231 -- Lecture 3, p. 240 -- Lecture 4, p. 246 -- Lecture 5, p. 252 -- Lecture 6, p. 258 -- Lecture 7, p. 263 -- Lecture 8, p. 272 -- Lecture 9, p. 277 -- Lecture 10, p. 285 -- Lecture 11, p. 298 -- Lecture 12, p. 306 -- Lecture 13, p. 313 -- Lecture 14, p. 320 -- Lecture 15, p. 328 -- Lecture 16, p. 339 -- Lecture 17, p. 353 -- Lecture 18, p. 359 -- Lecture 19, p. 377 -- Lecture 20, p. 382 -- Lecture 21, p. 389 -- Lecture 22, p. 399 -- Lecture 23, p. 406 -- Lecture 24, p. 414 -- Lecture 25, p. 425 -- Index, p. 437.

The dominant interpretation of the Glorious Revolution portrays it as an innovative compromise that used clever institutional design to solve a coordination problem between rival elites. In contrast, I argue that it was neither innovative nor a compromise and that it was the product of structural change rather than institutional design. Following Barrington Moore, I focus on the rise of agrarian capitalism and economically autonomous elites, who, in contrast to rent-seeking elites, do not depend on favor from the state for their income. They have an interest in the creation of a political system that ensures their equal rights under the law, open access to markets, and opportunities to form broad coalitions against rent-seeking. This makes them a critical constituency for representative government. I test this argument through an analysis of patterns of allegiance for Crown and Parliament at the outset of the English Civil War and address its relevance to the Glorious Revolution.

In the new states of Southeast Asia the idea of parliamentary government has usually been closely linked with the struggle for national independence, yet with the latter a reality in most of the area, there has come a curious disillusionment with the actual values of the former. Thus, during the 1920's and 1930's in what was then called the Netherlands East Indies, nationalists agitated on behalf of "Indonesia berparlemèn" (a parliament for Indonesia), but today we find leading Indonesian public figures, such as President Sukarno, declaring that Western-style parliamentary government has failed in Indonesia, and that what the country needs is a governmental system "in harmony with the Indonesian soul," that is, a "democracy with leadership," or a "guided democracy." The following pages will seek to suggest some of the causes of this disenchantment with the principle of representative government in Indonesia, by focusing on its historic origins and functions during these, Indonesia's first, years of national independence.When on August 17, 1945, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta, acting on behalf of "the people of Indonesia," formally proclaimed the independence of their nation, they confronted a condition of widespread popular inexperience in the art of representative government. It was not until 1918 that a rudimentary parliamentary body for all of Indonesia (the so-called Volksraad, or People's Council) had been established, in line with the plans, in great variety and often confusingly contradictory, of the Dutch colonial policy-makers to give their East Indian possessions a greater degree of autonomy.

How does representative government function when public administration can reshape democracy? The traditional narrative of public administration balances the accountability of managers, a problem of control, with the need for effective administration, a problem of capability. The discretion modern governments give to administrators allows them to make tradeoffs among democratic values. This book challenges the traditional view with its argument that the democratic values of administration should complement the democratic values of the representative government within which they operate. Control, capability and value reinforcement can render public administration into democracy administered. This book offers a novel framework for empirically and normatively understanding how democratic values have, and should be, reinforced by public administration. Bertelli's theoretical framework provides a guide for managers and reformers alike to chart a path toward democracy administered.