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Trust in banks is considered essential for an effective financial system, yet little is known about what determines trust in banks. Only a handful of single-country studies discuss the topic, so this paper aims to fill the gap by providing a cross-country analysis on the level and determinants of trust in banks. Using World Values Survey data covering 52 countries during the period 2010–2014, we observe large cross-country differences in trust in banks and confirm the influence of several sociodemographic indicators. Our main findings include: women tend to trust banks more than men; trust in banks tends to increase with income, but decrease with age and education; access to television enhances trust, while internet access erodes trust; and religious, political, and economic values may affect trust in banks. Notably, religious individuals tend to put greater trust in banks, but differences are observed across denominations. The holding of pro-market economic views is also associated with greater trust in banks.

International audience ; Trust in banks is considered essential for an effective financial system, yet little is known about what determines trust in banks. Only a handful of single-country studies discuss the topic, so this paper aims to fill the gap by providing a cross-country analysis on the level and determinants of trust in banks. Using World Values Survey data covering 52 countries during the period 2010–2014, we observe large cross-country differences in trust in banks and confirm the influence of several sociodemographic indicators. Our main findings include: women tend to trust banks more than men; trust in banks tends to increase with income, but decrease with age and education; and access to television enhances trust, while internet access erodes trust. Additionally, religious, political, and economic values affect trust in banks. Notably, religious individuals tend to put greater trust in banks, but differences are observed across denominations. The holding of pro-market economic views is also associated with greater trust in banks.

SummaryIn this article we examine the link between relational trust and general trust in the context of large‐scale social and economic transformations such as those that have occurred in Poland and Russia. We argue that trust plays an important role in interpersonal relationships, but in more impersonal dealings, as in economic life, reliable and impartial institutions that create binding rules and ensure their enforcement are more important. These provide a stable framework for exchange and make it safe for people to take risks involving others they do not know directly. Relational trust, however, may be critical in situations in which institutions are weak or corrupt. And, even if economic relationships are constrained by carefully devised contracts, there remains residual uncertainty that can be resolved only by relying on trust.. If networks involving trust relationships are the dominant means for engaging in exchange, however, exchange is limited to those whom one knows personally or is linked to through close ties, and opportunities for broader exchange are constrained, which may retard the transition to a more open economy.

Small and removed from the Spanish mainland, the Enclave of Ceuta has always depended on flows of goods and labour out of the Moroccan hinterland, with individuals from different ethnic and religious groups forming informal, flexible and personal economic bonds based on mutual 'confianza' (trust). Since its entry into the European Union in 1986, the Spanish government has erected a border-wall around the enclave, and introduced new migration policies branding many informal workers within its borders as a threat to Spanish society. Based on my preliminary months of research, this paper compares the Ceutan context with other research recently conducted on the topics of migration and borders in the Mediterranean region. It brings into focus key theoretical issues and assumptions that constantly emerge in such literature, particularly regarding the role of 'a-cultural' personal ties between migrants and locals in undermining State categories and ideology. This paper observes how the Ceutan case encourages us to expand our focuses and consequently problematise our understanding of crucial concepts such as 'trust' and 'integration'.

Although trust is a lively area of research, it is rarely investigated in countries outside of commonly available cross-national public-opinion datasets. In an effort to fill this empirical void and to draw conclusions concerning the general determinants of trust, the current article employs detailed survey data from a frequently overlooked Central Asian country, Uzbekistan, to test the relationship between particularized trust and demographic traits previously identified as influential. While a number of Uzbek demographic characteristics coincide with previously identified determinants of trust, age and education yield negative effects not previously found. Interestingly, individual-level demographic variables become insignificant when controlling for regional, religious, and linguistic variation. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical implications.

Cheung Kin Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 76-97). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction ; Divergent meanings of trust and institution --- p.1 ; Research questions --- p.1 ; Structure of thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Trust and Bounded Rationality ; Meaning and the four key elements of trust --- p.5 ; Plausible loss due to lack of certainty --- p.7 ; Positive expectation by a trusting party --- p.8 ; Relevance to human interaction --- p.9 ; Intentionality --- p.10 ; Trust and Rationality --- p.13 ; Herbert Simon's bounded rationality --- p.13 ; "Bounded rationality, use of authority, and trust" --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory of Institution ; Institutionalisms in Politics and Exchange of Insights --- p.23 ; Understanding of North's Works --- p.25 ; North's understanding of human rationality and economic performance --- p.25 ; "Core idea, major traits of institution and its relationship with actors" --- p.30 ; Learning and Accumulation of Experiences --- p.38 ; Plasticity of human brain --- p.44 ; Path dependence and change of institution --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Trust and Institution ; Divergent understandings of relationship of trust and institution --- p.54 ; At the neural level: institutionalized experience and neural systems for trust --- p.57 ; At interpersonal and organizational level: reciprocal trust and impacts of empowerment --- p.62 ; At organizational and macro-social level: deprivation experience and social violence --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Conclusion --- p.73 ; References --- p.76

Parliaments are—or should at least be—the central rule‐making institutions in democratic countries. If people do not have faith in the institution making the rules, it is less likely that people live by them. Consequently, it is beneficiary if trust in parliament is high. But it is also a normative good in itself. If the people do not trust the key institution whereby they can exercise "rule by the people over itself," democracy itself is endangered. Secondly, trust levels should be reasonably even spread among relevant social and political groups in a society because parliament should ideally be a nonpartisan level playing field. However, because the majority in parliament typically chooses and sustains the acting government, one could say that legislatures in parliamentary democracies should not be level playing fields. According to this argument, there should be differences in trust in parliament between groups of individuals with varying political affiliations. Supporters of the majority in parliament should be expected to have higher trust in the legislature compared to citizens who voted for the opposition.We test our three hypotheses on data from some 80 countries participating in World Value Survey, either in Waves 5 or 6. We find that people in both new and established democracies harbor lower levels of trust than an intuitive interpretation of normative theory would lead us to expect. We also find that the attitudes of tens of thousands of citizens garnered from across 42 new and old democracies suggest that levels of average trust in groups of these societies are not as equally distributed, as a simple reading of democratic theory would have us to believe. In particular, individuals with a stronger interest in politics, and who are winners by the account of the last election, have statistically substantively relevant higher average levels of trust in parliament as an institution than do other citizens. The latter seems to us especially potentially problematic in particular for some of the new democracies where majority‐dominant parties manage to cling on to power over several election cycles. If what we find here were generally applicable also over several election cycles, we would expect the gap between winners and losers to widen and sediment and potentially sow the seeds of anti‐system movements opposed to democracy. Parliament is obviously a partisan creature in the eyes of most citizens in democracies. The level playing field idea does not fly.

Der Beitrag diskutiert den Begriff der Aufklärung und den der Kritik in der Kritischen Theorie hauptsächlich anhand einer Interpretation von Adornos "Minima Moralia. Reflexionen aus dem Beschädigten Leben". Hier wird das "dialektische Verfahren" als negatives, als eines, das "Aussagen macht, um sie zurückzunehmen und dennoch festzuhalten" bestimmt. Mit dieser Bestimmung skizziert Adorno einen Aufklärungsbegriff, der mit der geschichtlichen Verwirklichung von Aufklärung nicht einfach zusammenfällt, dessen Verwirklichung also allein in dem Ganzen einer "aufklärenden Bewegung" ihren Ort hat, vorausgesetzt, diese Bewegung bildet je ein Ganzes. Auch für Adorno ist Kants Begriff der Aufklärung verbindlich: "Wenn denn nun gefragt wird: Leben wir jetzt in einem aufgeklärten Zeitalter?, so ist die Antwort: Nein, aber wohl in einem Zeitalter der Aufklärung." Mit leidenschaftlichem Doppelsinn sagt der Aufklärer - und dies hätte Adorno unterschrieben: Der lösende und bindende Zweifel ist meine Sache und deshalb kann ich nicht umhin, dem anderen zu glauben und zu vertrauen, dem anderen in mir selbst. Trust me. (ICA2)

Intro -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Motivation and Research Objectives -- 1.2 Theoretical and Empirical Approach -- 1.2.1 Theory -- 1.2.2 Case Study -- 1.3 Methodology -- 2 Trust in Systems -- 2.1 The Dualism of System Trust -- 2.2 Decision-Making and Compulsion -- 2.3 Intersections in Trust Research -- 2.4 An Architecture of Trust: First Sketch -- 2.5 Reflexivity, Construction, Attribution -- 3 System References -- 3.1 Systems as Trustees -- 3.2 Systems as Trustors -- 3.3 Open and Closed Systems -- 3.4 System Identity -- 4 Conditions and Consequences of Trust in Systems -- 4.1 Trust and Control -- 4.2 Controlling Complexity -- 4.3 Knowledge and Non-Knowledge -- 4.4 Trust and Risk -- 5 Toward an 'Architecture of Trust' -- 5.1 Trust and Expectations -- 5.2 System Communications -- 5.3 Trust in Technology and Organizations -- 5.4 An AoT for the Energy System -- 5.5 Collection of Hypotheses -- 6 Case Study: Trust in the Energy System -- 6.1 Energy System Transformation -- 6.1.1 Impact and Logic of Smart Grids -- 6.1.2 Consumer Involvement and the Role of Trust -- 6.2 Case Study Approach: Overview -- 6.3 Design and Methodology -- 6.3.1 Operationalization -- 6.3.2 Interview Guide -- 6.4 Results -- 6.4.1 Initial Remarks and Observations -- 6.4.2 Category I: System Identity -- 6.4.3 Category II: Expectation Nexus -- 6.4.4 Category III: Reassurance Patterns -- 7 Conclusions -- 7.1 The Reality of System Trust -- 7.2 System Constitution and Attributions of Trust -- 7.3 Outlook: System Trust in Theory and Practice -- References.

Abstract
In the wake of civil rights struggles, a rural area in Southwest Georgia became a global stage for rehearsing some of the world's most provocative experiments with community and land tenure. An interracial intentional community, a Nation of Islam farm, the first community land trust, and a wave of cooperative experiments moving through the South in the late 1960s and 1970s found fertile ground around Albany, Georgia. Reflecting solidarity between the civil rights, Pan-African, Nonaligned, and Tricontinental movements, associations with prominent international activists also linked this area in the US South to decolonizing efforts in the Global South just prior to a neoliberal turn. Within these networks, victims of white supremacy modeled approaches to survival that are now broadly relevant to today's social and climate justice work. The story offers spatial tools and surprising histories to ground and energize a fresh wave of activism that looks to collective forms of urban and rural landholding to address racism, whiteness, inequality, reparations, and climate change.

ax is at the top of the political agenda and many substantial changes are taking place, partly as a response to political and popular pressure resulting in the Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) Action Plan, EU initiatives and changes in domestic law and partly as a result of administrative pressures and the capacity for new technological developments, such as the Making Tax Digital plans. New technology has also had a part to play in ramping up the political agenda as it becomes easier to access and disseminate material and we cannot help being aware of the major impact of recent leaks of vast amounts of information. The rapid pace of change has left many in the tax community gasping for breath. There is also some feeling of lack of direction. As a result, there were so many topics I could have chosen for this lecture that I was spoilt for choice, but one common theme emerged. This is 'trust'.