Suchergebnisse

Desde la década de 1980, la migración laboral ha venido feminizándose cada vez en mayor medida en el este y sudeste asiáticos. Para principios del siglo XXI, se estimaba que había más de dos millones de mujeres trabajando en la región, lo que constituye un tercio de la población migrante. Casi todas las mujeres migrantes se desempeñan en labores reproductivas, como el trabajo doméstico y los servicios sexuales, en hogares de particulares y sectores comerciales informales. No obstante la gran necesidad de proteger su bienestar y sus derechos humanos, los gobiernos de los países de destino ven a los migrantes simplemente como una fuerza laboral que se requiere para cubrir la escasez de mano de obra local, e ignora las medidas de protección y las políticas en función del género. Por su parte, bajo la presión para incrementar los ingresos de divisas extranjeras, los países que constituyen la fuente de esta fuerza laboral alientan a sus mujeres a migrar y a remitir sus ganancias, pero ante la competencia mundial, los gobiernos de estos países han mostrado poco interés en el bienestar de las mujeres migrantes. En el contexto de los antecedentes poco alentadores en materia de derechos humanos de los países del este y sudeste asiáticos, los actores no estatales han adquirido una importancia creciente en la defensa de los derechos de los migrantes, lo que han logrado a través de redes locales y transnacionales. Las raíces de la migración–feminizada y que por lo tanto tiene en cuenta consideraciones de género–en el este y sudeste asiáticos se encuentran en el rápido pero desigual desarrollo económico de la región, caracterizado por la desigualdad y el conflicto que producen las diferencias de género, clase social y nacionalidad. La transferencia de mujeres extranjeras de la región desde economías de bajos ingresos (Filipinas, Tailandia, Indonesia y Viet Nam, entre otros) hacia países de altos ingresos (Singapur, Malasia, la Región Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong, Taiwán Provincia de China, la República de Corea y Japón) intensifica la actual desigualdad de género, injusticia económica y discriminación étnica. Sin embargo, la migración internacional es un proceso contradictorio que, si bien brinda a las mujeres migrantes oportunidades para la movilidad social, también las somete a abusos y explotación. La mayoría de las mujeres migrantes son trabajadoras independientes empleadas por contrato que buscan trabajo en el exterior a fin de aumentar los ingresos familiares y sus ahorros personales. El empoderamiento resulta de su resistencia diaria a las estructuras de poder existentes, así como de la oportunidad de acumular recursos personales y colectivos. El análisis de las políticas de inmigración de Asia y de los patrones de migración de las mujeres revela que existen seis categorías de mujeres migrantes con sus respectivas características: • trabajadoras domésticas • animadoras (trabajadoras sexuales) • trabajadoras no autorizadas • esposas inmigrantes • trabajadoras capacitadas • trabajadoras que comparten un patrimonio étnico con la población que las recibe (como los brasileños de origen japonés en el Japón y los chinos de ascendencia coreana en la República de Corea). Estas seis categorías de mujeres migrantes se diferencian entre sí en razón de las condiciones de traslado al otro país, de empleo y de protección legal, por lo que difieren en cuanto a las formas en que enfrentan las prácticas desiguales y discriminatorias que encuentran en sus lugares de destino. En consecuencia, los ciudadanos conscientes y las organizaciones no gubernamentales recurren a diferentes acciones civiles y contramedidas para mejorar los derechos de las mujeres migrantes. Los gobiernos de los estados importadores de mano de obra del este y sudeste asiáticos tienen niveles distintos de tolerancia política frente a las actividades de la sociedad civil, por lo que existen diferencias importantes en cuanto a las capacidades y los recursos con que cuentan sus sociedades civiles para la acción colectiva. La bibliografía sobre este tema identifica tres niveles de efectividad de las acciones civiles y de la resistencia de la mujer en Asia. El primer nivel agrupa a Singapur y Malasia, donde la aplicación de estrictas políticas de inmigración, rígidos sistemas de contratación laboral y bajos grados de tolerancia del activismo cívico por parte del Estado limitan seriamente las acciones a favor de las trabajadoras migrantes. El segundo nivel reúne al Japón y la República de Corea, donde los estrictos controles fronterizos y las grandes cantidades de trabajadores, combinados con un relativamente alto grado de tolerancia de la acción colectiva, permiten a muchos grupos y organizaciones desafiar la autoridad del Estado y brindar asistencia legal y cultural a los trabajadores migrantes. En el tercer nivel se encuentra la Región Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong, donde, a pesar de una estricta política de inmigración y un rígido sistema de contratación laboral, el legado colonial británico permite a los trabajadores migrantes defender abiertamente sus derechos económicos y emprender acciones colectivas. La frecuencia de las manifestaciones de trabajadoras migrantes, en particular de las trabajadoras domésticas filipinas en Hong Kong, destaca la importancia de establecer redes transnacionales que permitan estrechar los vínculos entre los trabajadores migrantes en los países fuentes de la mano de obra y las naciones receptoras. La creciente presencia de un movimiento transnacional de protección en toda la región de Asia facilita los esfuerzos de las organizaciones civiles por mejorar los derechos y el bienestar de las trabajadoras migrantes. En conclusión, la feminización de la migración ha incrementado la desigualdad y la injusticia basadas en el género, la clase social y la nacionalidad en Asia. Pero al mismo tiempo, ha abierto nuevas oportunidades para que las mujeres migrantes puedan aumentar los ingresos familiares y la creciente sociedad civil de Asia pueda desafiar las políticas y prácticas opresivas que afectan a las trabajadoras migrantes. A pesar de que persisten muchos obstáculos legales e institucionales a la justicia social en los países que importan mano de obra, las acciones civiles de ciudadanos y trabajadores migrantes constituyen un paso importante hacia el reconocimiento de los derechos de las trabajadoras migrantes. ; Since the 1980s, labour migration has been increasingly feminized in East and Southeast (hereafter E/SE) Asia. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, more than two million women were estimated to be working in the region, accounting for one third of its migrant population. Most female migrants are in reproductive occupations such as domestic work and sex services, in private households and informal commercial sectors. Despite the great need to protect their welfare and human rights, governments of their destination countries view migrants as merely a workforce to meet labour shortages, and ignore protective measures and gender-sensitive policies. Under pressure to increase foreign revenues, labour-source countries encourage their women to migrate and remit their earnings from abroad, but in the face of global competition, governments of source countries have shown little interest in their migrant women's welfare. In the context of the E/SE Asian countries' bleak records of human rights practices, non-state actors have assumed increasing importance in advocating migrants' rights, which they have done through local and transnational networks. Feminized, and therefore gendered, migration in E/SE Asia has its roots in the region's rapid but uneven economic development, which is characterized by the inequality and conflict that differences of gender, class and nationality produce. The transfer of foreign women within the region from the low-income economies (the Philippines, Indonesia, Viet Nam, Pakistan, Bangladesh among others) to the high-income ones (Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR), Taiwan Province of China, the Republic of Korea and Japan) intensifies existing gender inequality, economic injustice and ethnic discrimination. International migration is, however, a contradictory process that, while providing migrant women with opportunities for social mobility, also subjects them to abuses and exploitation. The majority of Asia's migrant women are independent contract workers seeking employment abroad in order to augment family incomes and personal savings. Empowerment results from their everyday resistance to existing power structures, and from the opportunity to accumulate individual and collective resources. An analysis of Asia's immigration policies and women's migration patterns reveals six widely recognized and designated categories and characteristics of the women involved: • domestic workers • entertainers (sex workers)• unauthorized workers • immigrant wives • skilled workers • workers who share an ethnic heritage with that of the host population (such as Japanese-Brazilians in Japan and Korean-Chinese in the Republic of Korea). These six categories of migrant women differ from one another in the conditions of their border crossing, employment and legal protection, and they therefore differ in the ways in which they resist the unequal and discriminatory practices they encounter at their destinations. Consequently, concerned citizens and non-governmental organizations choose different civil actions and counteractive measures to enhance migrant women's rights. The governments of labour-importing states in E/SE Asia vary in their political tolerance of civil-society activities. There are thus significant differences in the capacities and resources that their civil societies have for collective action. The existing literature indicates three levels of effectiveness of civil actions and women's resistance in Asia. The first is found in Singapore and Malaysia, where strict immigration policies, rigid labour contract systems and low degrees of state tolerance for civil activism severely curtail pro-migrant actions. The second level characterizes Japan and the Republic of Korea, where tight border controls and large numbers of undocumented workers, combined with relatively high degrees of tolerance for collective action, allow many groups and organizations to challenge state authority and provide legal and cultural assistance to migrants. The third level is manifest in Hong Kong SAR, where despite a strict immigration policy and rigid labour contract system, the British colonial legacy permits migrants to openly pursue economic rights and collective action. The frequency of demonstrations by migrants, especially Filipino domestic workers in Hong Kong SAR, highlights the importance of transnational networking that links migrants in sending and receiving countries. The growing presence of a transnational advocacy movement throughout Asia facilitates the efforts of civil organizations to enhance migrants' rights and welfare. In conclusion, feminized migration has increased inequality and injustice based on gender, class and nationality in Asia. It has also, however, opened up opportunities for migrant women to increase family incomes and for Asia's growing civil society to challenge oppressive policies and practices affecting migrants. Although many legal and institutional barriers to social justice remain in labour-importing countries, civil actions by citizens and migrants comprise significant steps toward the realization of migrant workers' rights. ; Depuis les années 80, les travailleurs migrants en Asie de l'est et du sud-est sont de plus en plus des femmes. Au début du XXIème siècle, on estimait que plus de deux millions de femmes, soit un tiers de la population migrante, travaillaient dans la région. La plupart des immigrées ont des emplois liés à l'économie de reproduction: elles sont employées de maison ou engagées dans l'industrie du sexe, travaillent dans des ménages privés ou le secteur commercial informel. Bien que leur bien-être et leurs droits aient un grand besoin d'être protégés, les gouvernements des pays d'accueil ne voient dans les immigrées qu'une force de travail capable de remédier à la pénurie de main-d'oeuvre et ne se soucient guère de prendre des mesures de protection ou d'appliquer des politiques nuancées selon le sexe. Pressés d'accroître leurs recettes en devises, les pays d'émigration encouragent leurs ressortissantes à émigrer et à rapatrier leurs gains de l'étranger et, face à la concurrence mondiale, leurs gouvernements s'intéressent peu au bien-être de celles qui ont émigré. Vu les pratiques des pays de l'Asie de l'est et du sud-est en matière de droits de l'homme et leur triste bilan dans ce domaine, des acteurs non étatiques ont pris de plus en plus de place dans la défense des droits des migrants, qu'ils assument par le biais de réseaux locaux et transnationaux. La féminisation des migrations en Asie de l'est et du sud-est, avec toutes les spécificités que cela suppose, vient du développement économique rapide mais inégal de la région, qui se caractérise par des disparités et des différences entre sexes, entre classes et entre nationalités qui engendrent des conflits. Les femmes se déplacent à l'intérieur de la région, quittant les pays à faible revenu (Philippines, Thaïlande, Indonésie et Viet Nam notamment) pour les pays à revenu élevé (Singapour, Malaisie, Région administrative spéciale (RAS) de Hong Kong, Province chinoise de Taiwan, République de Corée et Japon) et ce déplacement accentue les inégalités entre les sexes, l'injustice économique et la discrimination ethnique déjà existantes. Les migrations internationales sont cependant des phénomènes contradictoires qui, tout en offrant aux migrantes des chances de mobilité sociale, les exposent en même temps à des abus et à l'exploitation. La majorité des migrantes d'Asie sont des travailleuses contractuelles indépendantes qui cherchent un emploi à l'étranger pour grossir les revenus de leur famille et leur épargne personnelle. Elles acquièrent leur autonomie en résistant jour après jour aux structures de pouvoir en place, et en accumulant tout ce qu'elles peuvent gagner à titre individuel et collectif. Une analyse des politiques migratoires d'Asie et des caractéristiques des migrations féminines fait apparaître six catégories largement reconnues, qui définissent les femmes par des caractéristiques données: • employées de maison • entraîneuses (travailleuses du sexe) • travailleuses clandestines • épouses d'immigrés • travailleuses qualifiées • travailleuses qui ont un patrimoine ethnique commun avec la population du pays d'accueil (tels que les Nippo-Brésiliennes au Japon et les Sino-Coréennes en République de Corée). Ces six catégories de femmes immigrées se distinguent les unes des autres par les conditions dans lesquelles elles ont franchi la frontière, leur emploi et la protection que leur offre la loi et donc aussi par leur mode de résistance aux pratiques inégalitaires et discriminatoires auxquelles elles sont confrontées dans le pays d'accueil. Les modes d'action et de lutte que choisissent les citoyens concernés et les organisations non gouvernementales pour faire valoir les droits des migrantes varient en conséquence. Les gouvernements des Etats de l'Asie de l'est et du sudest qui importent de la main-d'oeuvre tolèrent à des degrés divers les activités de la société civile, de sorte que les capacités et moyens d'action collective dont celle-ci dispose varient sensiblement selon les pays. Il ressort de la littérature existante que l'on peut distinguer trois niveaux d'efficacité parmi les actions tentées par la société civile et la résistance des femmes en Asie. C'est à Singapour et en Malaisie qu'elles sont les moins efficaces: de strictes politiques d'immigration, des systèmes rigides d'attribution de contrats de travail et un Etat peu tolérant envers le militantisme civil réduisent sévèrement les actions de défense des droits des migrantes. Le second niveau correspond au Japon et à la République de Corée, où de sévères contrôles aux frontières et une multitude de travailleuses sans papiers, mais aussi une tolérance assez grande à l'égard de l'action collective, permettent à de nombreux groupes et organisations de contester l'autorité de l'Etat et d'apporter une assistance juridique et culturelle aux migrantes. Le troisième niveau est atteint dans la RAS de Hong Kong où, malgré une politique d'immigration stricte et un système rigide d'attribution des contrats de travail, l'héritage colonial britannique permet aux migrantes de faire valoir ouvertement leurs droits économiques et de mener une action collective. La fréquence des manifestations d'immigrées, en particulier d'employées de maison philippines dans la RAS de Hong Kong, montre l'importance des réseaux transnationaux qui relient les migrantes des pays d'origine et des pays d'accueil. La présence de plus en plus forte d'un mouvement de défense transnational dans toute l'Asie rend plus facile la tâche des organisations civiles qui s'emploient à défendre les droits et le bien-être des migrantes. En conclusion, la féminisation des migrations a aggravé les inégalités et l'injustice fondées sur le sexe, la clase et la nationalité en Asie. Elle a cependant donné aux femmes migrantes la possibilité de grossir les revenus familiaux et a permis à une société civile en expansion en Asie de contester les politiques et pratiques qui ont pour effet d'opprimer les migrants. Bien qu'il reste de nombreux obstacles juridiques et institutionnels à la justice sociale dans les pays importateurs de main-d'oeuvre, certaines des actions menées par les nationaux et les migrants marquent un progrès sensible vers la réalisation des droits des travailleurs migrants.

David J. Bier


My latest policy analysis published today explains why it is impossible for nearly all immigrants seeking to come permanently to the United States to do so legally. The report is a uniquely comprehensive and jargon-free (to the extent possible) explanation of U.S. legal immigration. Contrary to public perception, immigrants cannot simply wait and get a green card (permanent residence) after a few years. Legal immigration is less like waiting in line and more like winning the lottery: it happens, but it is so rare that it is irrational to expect it in any individual case.
The figure below shows the U.S. legal immigration system for people who are abroad who presently intend to immigrate permanently to the United States. Below I briefly describe the main problems and choke points in this labyrinth.







Guilty Until Proven Innocent
Until the Immigration Act of 1924, everyone in the world was eligible to immigrate to the United States unless the government proved they fell into an ineligible category. In other words, innocent until proven guilty. Since then, the foundational principle of U.S. immigration law is that everyone in the world is ineligible to immigrate unless they prove to the government they fit into an eligible category. The result is that over 99 percent of all those wanting to immigrate to the United States cannot do so legally.







The Narrow Categories
Today, people must show they fit into one of five exceptions to the worldwide ban on immigration: 1) the refugee program, 2) the diversity lottery, 3) family sponsorship, 4) employment-based self-sponsorship, and 5) employer sponsorship. These categories are extraordinarily narrow. Few people can qualify, and thanks to low immigration caps, those who do qualify are often subject to decades-long waiting periods before they can enter legally.
1. The Refugee Program: the Lucky Few
The refugee program is supposed to provide a legal way to immigrate for people who fear return to their home countries. But the rules limit admission to those who fear return based on persecution by a government (or someone the government refuses to control), and only if the persecutor is motivated by someone's race, religion, political opinion, nationality, or social group. More importantly, the program will only process refugees if they flee from their homes to a group of about 30 countries, and it will only accept applicants from about 30 countries.
Applicants usually need a referral from the United Nations, and they have a less than one percent chance of receiving such a referral. Moreover, the program has a cap, and the government has adopted processing procedures that make filling that cap extremely difficult. Barely one in 5,000 displaced persons will be admitted to the United States under the refugee program. The figure below shows the increasing number of displaced persons and the decreasing number of admissions under the refugee program.











2. The Diversity Lottery: the Golden Tickets
The diversity lottery has four basic rules: 1) applicants must show that they can support themselves at or above the poverty line, 2) applicants must have at least a high school degree or work experience in a job typically requiring a college degree, 3) only people from countries from which fewer than 50,000 people immigrated to the United States in the last five years can apply (excluding a majority of the world's population), and 4) there are only 55,000 slots awarded through an annual lottery. The chances of winning the lottery and getting a green card have plummeted more than 90 percent since the first lottery was held in 1995.











3. Family Sponsorship: Only the Closest Relatives, Endless Waits
The biggest limitation on family sponsorship is having a qualifying sponsor. The family sponsorship is reserved primarily for the closest relatives: spouses and children of U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents as well as siblings and parents of adult U.S. citizens, and minor children and spouses of those relatives can join except in the case of parents, minor children, and spouses of U.S. citizens. The second limitation is the cap. Only spouses, minor children, and parents of adult U.S. citizens are uncapped, but their numbers reduce the cap of 480,000 for other relatives down to just 226,000. The result is a massive backlog of 8 million cases. For most countries and category combinations, sponsors will die before their relatives can immigrate.











4. Employment-Based Self-Sponsorship: Only for the Most Elite
Employment-based self-sponsorship is available only in the rarest set of circumstances. The three categories are for 1) people with "extraordinary ability," 2) workers with advanced degrees or exceptional ability who are conducting activities of national importance, and 3) investors able to invest not less than $800,000 and—in some cases—more than $1.05 million in a business that creates 10 new jobs for U.S. workers within 2 years. These highly unusual cases apply to very few potential immigrants, but even in those cases, the government strictly enforces the criteria to make them as difficult to meet as possible. In 2019, for instance, the "extraordinary ability" category had a denial rate of over 40 percent.
5. Employer Sponsorship: Backlogs Wrapped in Red Tape
Employer sponsorship is the one chance where, in theory, it should be open to anyone with an employer sponsor in the United States. In practice, the procedures are so backlogged, so costly, and so time-consuming that very few employers are willing to attempt it except for the highest-paid workers in America. Aside from a few specific occupations, employers must advertise the job to U.S. workers. The process takes years, and even if no U.S. worker applies, very few employers can afford to keep a job open for such a prolonged period.











This is why nearly all employer-sponsored green cards go to people already in the United States who can start working on a temporary work visa, such as the H-1B visa, much sooner while they go through the lengthy green card process. But the H-1B visa is capped at just 85,000. The odds of winning the lottery and ultimately getting an H-1B visa were just 16 percent in 2022. But the even bigger problem for potential immigrants is that the H-1B visa requires a bachelor's degree, and only 10 percent of the world's population has a bachelor's degree.











Even if you have a bachelor's degree, win the lottery, and convince the employer to pay for the green card processing, the employment-based annual cap is massively oversubscribed. There was a backlog of about 1.4 million in 2020 for a cap of just 140,000. Because every country has the same cap, and immigrants from India account for half of all applicants, the backlog is overwhelmingly Indians who face a lifetime of waiting for a green card.











The U.S. Can Handle Much More Legal Immigration
The U.S. legal immigration system is restrictive in three ways. First, the system is restrictive compared with demand. Nearly 32 million people tried to receive a green card in 2018, while just 1 million were successful, and most could not even try the process. Second, the system is restrictive compared with U.S. history. In the decades prior to the 1920s, the United States routinely permitted a rate of legal immigration three to four times higher than 0.3 percent of the population permitted to receive a green card in recent years.
Finally, the system is restrictive compared with other countries. The United States ranks in the bottom third of wealthy countries for foreign-born share of the population. Even if it accepted 70 million immigrants tomorrow, it would still not surpass the likes of Australia.











Immigration benefits the United States, so there is no reason to place hard caps or strict categorical limits. Moreover, enforcing restrictive laws is costly and results in illegal immigration. The entire legal immigration system is actually designed not to be followed by most people, but to keep most people out. America should return to its system of openness that reflects U.S. traditions and benefits the country.
David J. Bier, "Why Legal Immigration Is Nearly Impossible: U.S. Legal Immigration Rules Explained," Cato Institute Policy Analysis no. 950, June 13, 2023.

The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.

The city has been the political unit of organization in the international system for long periods of history. As actors in international society, cities have left irreplaceable classics: Athens, Imperial Rome, the Hanseatic League or Machiavelli's Florence. However, the dominant school of thought has diminished the role of the city on the international scene. The Westphalian model consolidated the nation-state as the axis and macro-political unit object and subject of study. Following this logic, cities' capacity for international action was limited and, as a field of study, was reduced to cultural activities or of little diplomatic relevance (e.g. twin cities). This state-centered approach, both in theory and practice, finds its place in the legal approach over the political one in the development of international society and international relations theories. However, the global dynamic has changed substantially, and it opens the door to new structures or vectors of transnational analysis. The Westphalian system loses weight in the face of the concatenation of phenomena and transformations of international society. Taking this to be the case, the current international structure opens avenues of research in the international political activity of the city, diplomatic practice, global and economic hub relations, or the rise of city brands as a marketing strategy. Of course, the nation-state will not disappear in the short term, but it does seem that new actors and dynamics are emerging in the construction of the post-liberal order. Above all, the city emerges as a new point of reference for solving globalization problems: climate change, migrations, diversity, or identity. The effect is relevant to the epistemological bases of a transversal discipline: the city is incorporated as a reference subject in the reformulation of the general theory of International Relations. The consensus around the liberal order, born after 1945, has been broken. The current theoretical doctrine only agrees on one element: there is no new consensus on the foundations of the international system. The global architecture of institutions, the effective capacities for the exercise of power, the decline of multilateral practices, or the difficulty in establishing a common economic agenda are symptoms of a change in global power structures. With or without legitimacy, cities act in the international sphere with the aim of influencing, modifying knowledge, behavior, or judgment. In this context, the institutionalization of the city as an actor in international relations is one of the most relevant fields for studying the new organizing principle of international society. The city lacks the normative and institutional instruments, but it does promote principles that later become public policy practices that affect the international order. The theoretical approach emphasizes the economic aspects of the global city, since the economic and industrial capacity has reinforced the ability to influence the transformation of the international system. From a methodological point of view, urban cosmopolitanism is not a theory closed by the very diversity of global cities. Therefore, the areas of interest of each city can vary from one to the other, as well as the global action repertoire. Working in collaborative networks and alliances of a political and economic nature is facilitated. In its relationship with the State, the global city poses agency problems that are relevant to the future of theory: will they be cooperative or competitive? In what disciplines? The asymmetry of interests can deepen dissonances and accelerate the theoretical basis of development. The proposed methodology affects the impact of climate change on the reformulation of the theoretical bases of international studies. It is theorized from practice. The institutionalization of urban diplomacy refers to the search for practical solutions of a collective nature. There are networks such as C40, the Clean Air Coalition or We are Still In that are led and organized from urban practice. The climate issue gives moral strength to the city as an international actor insofar as it does not deal with political borders, but with the consequences of climate change on the lives of residents. It fits in with the cosmopolitan tradition insofar as it affects all individuals, without discrimination of origin, gender, or nationality; and it is a matter of universal status, because it impacts all territories and human life conditions. There is no arbitrariness in Anthropocene reason. The article studies the succession of changes in the international political structure before the reconfiguration of the sources of power. It establishes three aspects in the theoretical bases of urban cosmopolitanism. The first indicates what the foundations of a theoretical elaboration should be. The international city contributes to the reconfiguration of the structure and the exercise of interstate power by occupying or creating new spaces that contribute to the plurality of international relations. The second aspect analyzed is the growth of the city as a unit of measurement in the global economy. Capital flows circulate and operate on a local basis with global destinations. It is the cities and their metropolitan areas that benefit from the economic system. Large pockets of internal inequality appear and, above all, with a rupture between cities within and outside the economic order, including the relational inequality that is generated in the least populated territories. Finally, anthropogenic reason is stressed, that is, the impact of human action on natural conditions and its consequences on the world order. Climate change changes the main substrate of international relations, which is the physical environment and geography. On these two tangible dimensions, the bases of power and the basic theory of international studies are ordered. By changing the strategic board, the city conquers positions of non-coercive power, facilitating collaboration through networks and structures. The military and security aspect are not relevant to urban diplomacy, which focuses on aspects of economic and social power. The results indicate that the new cosmopolitanism has urban bases and offers a framework for interpreting the tensions between the center and the periphery of foreign action, economic globalization, and new public policies in the fight against climate change. Urban cosmopolitanism emerges as a theoretical reference in the post-liberal order. The present work seeks to establish the foundations of urban cosmopolitanism, a theoretical approach to the current world organized around urban areas, be they cities, megacities, or metropolitan regions. Cities have become structural axes of international society with consequences in the political, economic, and social spheres. There is no closed conclusion, a kind of theory that replaces the previous ones. On the contrary, urban cosmopolitanism aspires to reflect a change in the paradigm of international relations. Thus, climate change is a transforming element of the global scene and opens new avenues for international politics, which can end with a substantial change in the modes of government, representation, and citizen participation. Be that as it may, this first paper addresses difficulties, raises research questions, and supports elements for change. ; El artículo estudia la sucesión de cambios en la estructura política internacional ante la reconfiguración de las fuentes de poder. Establece tres vertientes en las bases teóricas del cosmopolitismo urbano. La primera indica cuáles deberían ser los fundamentos de una elaboración teórica. La ciudad internacional contribuye a la reconfiguración de la estructura y el ejercicio del poder interestatal ocupando o creando nuevos espacios que contribuyen a la pluralidad de las Relaciones Internacionales. El segundo aspecto que se analiza es el crecimiento de la ciudad como unidad de medida en la economía global. Los flujos de capital circulan y operan sobre una base local con destinos globales. Son las ciudades y sus extensiones metropolitanas quienes se benefician del sistema económico. Aparecen grandes bolsas de desigualdad interna y, sobre todo, con una ruptura entre ciudades dentro y fuera del orden económico, incluyendo aquí la desigualdad relacional que se genera en los territorios menos poblados. Por último, se incide en la razón antropocénica, esto es, el impacto de la acción humana en las condiciones naturales y sus consecuencias en el orden mundial. El cambio climático cambia el sustrato principal de las Relaciones Internacionales, que es el medio físico y la geografía. Sobre estas dos dimensiones tangibles, se ordenan las bases del poder y la teoría básica de los estudios internacionales. Al cambiar el tablero estratégico, la ciudad conquista posiciones de poder no coercitivo, lo que facilita la colaboración mediante redes y estructuras. El aspecto militar y de seguridad no es relevante para la diplomacia urbana, que se centra en aspectos de poder económico y social. Los resultados indican que el nuevo cosmopolitismo tiene bases urbanas y ofrece un marco de interpretación de las tensiones entre centro y periferia de la acción exterior, la globalización económica y las nuevas políticas públicas en la lucha contra el cambio climático. El cosmopolitismo urbano emerge como referencia teórica en el orden postliberal.

Nowadays, the concept of mentality - is the object of study of such blighty and foreign scientists as I. Abramova, J. Bychko, I. Habdulhafarova, P. Hnatenko, J. Grabowski, N. Gregoriv, I. Dintselbakh, R. Dodonov, P . Kravchenko, S. Krimsky, A. Lavryk, A. Liseyenko, M. Popovic, I. Starovoit, V. Khramova and others.However, even at present time, science has not gained unanimous and exhaustive definition of what the term "mentality" is . There are represented numerous variants of it: mindset, mental attitude, collective representation, mentality, character of thinking, seeing of the world, and so on. German scientist Peter Dintselbaher determines mentality as a set of methods and contents of thought and perception, which are typical for the relevant collective in the relevant period. The modern Ukrainian Academic Victoria Khramova treats mentality as a worldview, that is formed at a deep psychological level of individual or collective consciousness. We also attempted to summarize our own interpretation and defined it as: mentality - is a character of thoughts, a set of mental skills and spiritual priorities, that are generated by the surrounding reality, which determine the behavior of the individual person or social group.There are many types of mentality: men, women, children, youth, professional, ethnic, national, etc. In the current scientific literature there is some uncertainty about the term "national mentality". It is often treated as synonymous with such concepts as "national character", "national luck", "national consciousness", "the soul of the nation" and others. But S. Grabowski , S. Stavroyani and L. Shkliar treat it as "national political mentality". At the present stage of development of Ukraine, when national relationship are subordinate to two trends: on the one hand the formation and development of nations, and the other – scrapping of the national boundaries by integration processes, we thought that a scientific understanding of the nature of national mentality is one of the primary scientific objectives. We dared to present our version of the understanding of the national mentality. The national mentality is - way of thinking, mental structure, psychological specialties of politically and stately organized nation, which became the cultural, economic, and ideological identity.European integration provides Zatushuvannya not only of legal differences, but also of mental. Between states of the European Union exist extremely serious language barriers, as Margaret Thatcher notes, in the current member - states, people speak not less than on 12 major languages: English, Greek, Danish, Irish (hэlskiy), Spanish (Castilian) Italian, German, Dutch, Portuguese, Finnish, French and Swedish languages. Except their native language 41 % of Europeans speak English, 19 % - French and 10 % - German. Moreover, 70 % of Europeans believe that in EU everyone must know English language. Over time, Margaret Thatcher said, Europeans can completely switch to communicate only in English. Language - is not just a way of communication or exchanging of information. This is - one of the most characteristical features, in which historical, cultural and moral experience of native people is focused. Once Ukraine already had to go through the processes of Russification, Polonizing, Germanization. So can we protect our native language? After all, it is the most important mental attribute. Academician of the Academy of Sciences of Higher School of Ukraine, Doctor of Psychology Anatoly Furman in his work "Psychological culture of Ukrainian mentality" has formed a number of functions , that mentality performs in society. To this comprehensive characteristics we would add only one thing - mentality integrates people into a nation. Loss of national mentality can lead to the loss of the nation.Social adaptation to the conditions of life in Europe requires from each nation to cede certain principles of mental development, such as the prestige of ethnic values, cultural endonym, ethnic identity, and so on. By survey of Time Magazine, 26 March 2001, every third inhabitant of the EU country feels himself as an European, not a citizen of his own country. However, this figure varies depending on the country: 40 % of young Italians consider themselves primarily Europeans, and in the UK this figure is 25%. Unfortunately today standards of democracy and human rights in the European Union failed to reconcile the fundamental mental values of national states, to create new forms of interaction between people to achieve social harmony. Realistic assessment of modern European ethnicity is characterized by diversity of conflicts. In September 2011, in north Bohemia: City Varnedorf, Usti nad Labem, Rubmurk, Shluknov, Novy Bor and even Prague were covered by anti-Gypsy protests. If previously these moves were the prerogative of skinheads, now victorian Czechs went on demonstrations on T-shirts with the inscription "Bring Hitler back. Gypsies- to the gas chambers ."At the same time anti-Gypsy protests took place in another EU country - Bulgaria. What if after a while similar protests will affect not only the Gypsy nation? Autumn events in France and London in 2012 also tell about complexity, contradiction and ambiguity of ethnic relations. Europe is a dangerous confrontational region already for a long time. Today is a very difficult situation in Belgium, which Flemish nationalism breaks apart. Still is not exhausted the Anglo- Irish conflict, is not subsided ethno-political conflict between the people of Catalonia and the Government of Spain , between the Basque Country people and the central government of Spain. The island of Cyprus is shared by so-called " Green Line ", which is protected by peacekeeping contingents and separates the Republic of Cyprus ( 60% of territory and 770,000 people) and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (38 % of the territory - 300 000 people) , which was self-proclaimed in 1983. The Republic of Cyprus is recognized by all countries, except Turkey and the TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus ) is recognized by Turkey and Abkhazia. We can remind a series of anti Hungarian moves held in May - early June 2012 by the initiative of the new Romanian government. At the heart of most conflicts in Europe are both objective and subjective contradictions. And one of the main - the desire to confirm their nationality. The historical way, that Ukrainian people passed, formed not militant, but compassionate, sincere Ukrainian nation, to which, as notes D.Chizhevsky, emotionalism , sentimentalism , sensitivity and lyricism is inherent . Even till now Ukrainian mentality is under the influence of ethnic symbols of grain-grower - agriculturist (who represents the Ukrainian peasants ), defender - protector (that is personified with the Ukrainian Cossacks ), Mother Hostess ( Mother - Guardian ). They are formed by the social, genetic , political , religious , legal , moral, ethical , economic , ethnic , ideological , historical and international factors. In independent Ukraine , in our opinion , is fairly weak class of political elite : some of them ideologically stopped in the former of the Soviet Union , and since independence new generation is not yet crystallized, some of them went abroad, some are not working for reunion , but for the separation of Ukrainians. But actually this last part along with a culture-creating elite will be the buffer that will protect Ukrainian from the European individualism and egocentrism, from foreign ideals and values, that have grown on an entirely different ethnic and mental basis.Although mentality is forming for a long time, it is a living organism, to which persistent representations and bedding of new are inherent. It may experience periods of recovery, upturns, decline, destruction and loss of its main features. But then on the basis of vague mental values no national idea can grow, because national mentality is that integrating, unifying factor in the existence of any nation-state. In such conditions development of basic principles of preserving national mentality is extremely important,also as a formation of clear strategic and tactical targets, including those enormous changes that have taken place in Europe and in the world at the turn of XX-XXI centuries. ; Поднимается вопрос о сохранении национальной ментальности как одного из показательных признаков нации в условиях евроинтеграции. Представляется терминологическая дискуссионность и взгляды других ученых. Обобщаются теоретические концепции проблемы, что дает возможность сравнить взгляды других ученых на процесс развития национальной ментальности и выявить структурные элементы или фазы развития. ; Ставиться питання про збереження національної ментальності як однієї із показових ознак нації в умовах євроінтеграції. Представляється термінологічна дискусійність та погляди інших науковців. Узагальнюються теоретичні концепції проблеми, що дає можливість порівняти погляди інших науковців на процес розвитку національної ментальності та виявити структурні елементи або фази розвитку.

International audience ; The Jews of Algeria, who had been full French citizens since the « Crémieux decree » of October 24, 1870, were brutally relegated to the condition of simple "French subjects" by the Vichy regime's law of October 7, 1940 which repealed the decree which had originally collectively awarded them full citizenship. The Jews who were natives of the three districts of Algeria (the « departments » of Algiers, Oran and Constantine) remained French subjects whose civil rights, and effective and personal statuses remained dependent on French law But stripped of their French citizenship, their political rights were aligned on the lower status of Algerian Muslim natives. Those who resided in metropolitan France in 1940 were moreover victims of German decrees of exclusion in the directly German-administered areas of northern France, and of Vichy edicts in both the north and south of the country, aimed at excluding Jews from the national community. The measures of anti-Jewish legislation included a specific census of Jews, the special marking of their identity and rationing documents economic spoliation, the compulsory wearing of yellow stars, arrests, round-ups and internment. It is thus that Algerian Jews who had resided in metropolitan France for years, and sometimes for decades, or were simply caught up passing through there at the time, were among the six million Jews killed during the Shoah.According the historian Serge Klarsfeld, nearly 76,000 Jews then in France were deported, mostly to Auschwitz death camp. Only 3,860 survived. One should add that a further 3,000 Jews died in internment camps in France itself. Among these 80,000 victims, S. Klarsfeld estimated that there were 24,500 French Jews or French Jewish subjects, the rest being of other nationalities. Among the 24,500, there were about 1,500 natives of Algeria. Ever since the very first deportation convoy of March 27, 1942, French Jews and immigrants of other nationalities found themselves side-by-side in the same railway carriages. Among the internment records opened in their names in the "Fichiers juif" (listings of Jews), or on the lists of deportees, French Jews appear as "French subjects" (SF) or "Of French origin" (FO), or sometimes, as "French protégés." In Marseilles, many Jews were arrested during « Aktion Tiger », the code name given to the round-up carried out in the "old harbor" area of the city in January 1943. These Jews made up a majority (780 among 994 deportees) of the deportees sent by convoy number 52 to Sobibor death camp on March 23, 1943. Some 571 of these deportees held one of the multiple forms of legal attachment to French nationality: They were either born French or had opted to become French, or were French by marriage, or were naturalized or declared French, or were French protégés or French subjects. Some 212 of them, including 198 who were resident of, or refugees in, Marseille, were originally from Algeria. There were no survivors from this convoy.The total number of Jews deported who were from the Constantine district, ie the subject of this study, was 218 including 139 men, 58 women and 21 minors aged under 18 including some very young children. The highest number of deportees (86) was from the city of Constantine itself; 45 men, 30 women and 11 children. Just 13 survived. The number from other cities in the Constantine district were 30 from the city of Bône, 17 from Bougie, 12 from Sétif and 11 each from the towns of Aïn Beïda and Guelma. There were ten deportees each from the cities of Batna and Philippeville. Many individual records from the "listings of Jews" kept by the French National Archives at the Paris Shoah Memorial show that in a way, the victims sought to resist their fate: One sometimes reads "CA" (Married to an Aryan), "half-Jews," "says he (or she) is not Jewish", (Christian) "Orthodox", "Copt," "Muslim," "Ward of the Nation" or even "Spanish subject". All these self-descriptions concerning other nationalities or religions were aimed at avoiding deportation. Right to the end, the Jews of Constantine, of Algeria and of elsewhere did all they could, alas often without success, to defeat the exterminating logic of the Third Reich which was largely helped by the zealous leaders of the French (Vichy) state. Alas, only very few of the individual records carry at the top of them the word: "Escaped." ; Citoyens français depuis près d'un siècle, en vertu du décret Crémieux du 24 octobre 1870, les Juifs d'Algérie, où qu'ils vivent, se voient brutalement relégués à la condition de simples « sujets français » par la loi du 7 octobre 1940 qui abroge le décret de naturalisation collective. Les Juifs indigènes des trois départements restent des sujets français dont les droits civils, le statut réel ainsi que le statut personnel demeurent réglés par la loi française. Mais, déchus de leur citoyenneté française, leurs droits politiques sont désormais alignés sur ceux des indigènes musulmans algériens. Ceux d'entre eux qui vivent en France métropolitaine en 1940 ont, au surplus, été victimes, des mesures d'exclusion allemandes (en zone nord) et vichyssoises (dans les deux zones) visant à éliminer les Juifs de la communauté nationale : législation antijuive, recensement, marquage des papiers d'identité et d'alimentation, exclusions professionnelles, spoliation économique, port de l'étoile jaune, arrestations, rafles et internement. C'est ainsi qu'établis en France depuis plusieurs années, voire des décennies, ou simplement de passage, des Juifs d'Algérie s'inscrivent parmi les six millions de morts de la Shoah.Suivant les recherches entreprises par l'historien Serge Klarsfeld, près de 76 000 Juifs de France furent déportés, la plupart vers Auschwitz ; seuls 3 860 d'entre eux environ survécurent. Il faut y ajouter quelque 3 000 Juifs qui moururent dans les camps d'internement en France. Sur ces 80 000 victimes au total, S. Klarsfeld dénombre environ 24 500 Juifs français ou sujets français, dont environ 1 500 natifs d'Algérie. Dès le premier convoi de déportation, le 27 mars 1942, des Juifs français et immigrés se sont côtoyés dans les mêmes wagons. Sur les fiches d'internement établies à leurs noms dans les « Fichiers juifs » ou encore sur les listes de déportation, ils figurent comme « sujets français » (SF), « Français d'origine » (FO) ou parfois, « protégés français ». À Marseille, de nombreux Juifs sont arrêtés au cours de l'« Aktion Tiger », nom de code donné à la rafle du Vieux-Port de la fin janvier 1943. Ils constituent la grande majorité des déportés du convoi n° 52 parti le 23 mars 1943 vers le camp de Sobibór (780 sur 994). La plupart des déportés, soit 571, possédaient l'une des multiples formes juridiques de rattachement à la nationalité française : Français d'origine, Français par option, Français par mariage, Français naturalisé, Français par déclaration, protégé français, ou encore sujet français. 212 d'entre eux étaient natifs d'Algérie, dont 198 domiciliés ou réfugiés à Marseille. Aucun déporté de ce convoi n'est revenu.Le bilan de la déportation des Juifs originaires du Constantinois – objet de cette étude –, se monte à 218 personnes : 139 hommes, 58 femmes et 21 enfants de moins de 18 ans, parmi lesquels de très jeunes enfants. Le nombre de déportés (86) est le plus élevé pour Constantine-même : 45 hommes, 30 femmes et 11 enfants. Seuls 13 d'entre eux survécurent. Suivent les villes de Bône (30 déportés), de Bougie (17 déportés), de Sétif (12 déportés) puis les deux localités d'Aïn Beïda et de Guelma, avec chacune 11 déportés. Les villes de Batna et de Philippeville enregistrent respectivement 10 déportés. Nombreuses sont les fiches des « Fichiers juifs », conservées par les Archives nationales au Mémorial de la Shoah qui témoignent, à leur façon, de leurs tentatives de résistance : on y lit parfois sur leurs en-têtes, des mentions telles que "CA" (conjoint d'aryen), "demi Juif", "se dit non Juif(ve)", "orthodoxe", "copte", "musulman", ou "pupille de la nation", ou encore "citoyen espagnol" – autant de situations, autant de nationalités ou de confessions, censées les épargner de la déportation. Jusqu'au bout, les Juifs de Constantine, d'Algérie et d'ailleurs ont tout fait pour déjouer la logique exterminatrice impulsée par le Troisième Reich à laquelle ont largement collaboré les dirigeants zélés de l'État français, trop souvent, hélas, sans y réussir. Sur peu, trop peu de fiches, figure en en-tête, la mention "évadé".

SDM of Countryside process SDA Capital Property of People (Economic Study of Politics Policy Of Alokatif Orient Nationality) Problem of Resident Wild Countryside Gold-Mine and Clear Away Forest. Pursuant to result of paradigm analysis policy of alokatif in this research, economic study of case politics resident of countryside mineworker of wild gold (mining illegal) and forest clear away (illegal loging) in north Sulawesi. Referred as by central government of illegal and fought against by because bothering policy of program contract central government sharing holder masterpiece with foreign investor mining of and gold of HPH (result of processing of forest). After traced to be checked exhaustively come up with its problems root is found that; the root cause becoming problems root is laying in formula formulasi of ratio State capital, opportunity and advantage becoming policy of alokatif in system planning of played the part of APBN tanunan and specified by President, DPR, Bapenas and of kementrian. That in formulasi formulation of policy of alokatif, SDA and of SDM [do] not be viewed as by capital at mechanism rencara of APBN annual. As a result 50% capital properties of State of SDA taken by exit by foreign investor through policy of program sharing holder system alokatif contract masterpiece, 50% capital properties of State of SDA which is acceptance by central government become used expense finished in annual APBN makanisme. So that construction of APBN every year always in a state of empty budget deficit of productive capital, having an effect on negative to condition of political economy always in keadan before crisis and slowly reach its top happened national economic recession and later; then bother political stability, case example of when the fall of old order and of erde new. Capital properties of state Ought to SDA dug by self by our SDM later;then its result have to be defended as capital as according to economic principle, capital in mechanism expense rotation of APBN formulated annual to yield advantage, later;then advantage taken as expense finished wear. So that capital properties of State which have been dug remain to be intact on-hand government, and stepped-up mount rhythm with make-up of prosperity of people flatten by itself, because capital properties of SDA dug by sharing holder people with government, people also get rotation capital, thereby capital properties of SDA State remain to be intact in political economy rotation, expanding to have continuation become rich State of capital in rich governmental artian and rich people flattened. Become strength of tatanan economic of self-supporting and permanent national politics, APBN shall no longger depend on foreign investor or foreign capital.Formula policy of alokatif by delivering foreign investor or foreign capital only enriching foreigner, because capital properties of their State dredge up some of becoming property of them. Sachs & Warner, Todaro, Kosack in Ahmad E.Y., (2009), telling there is no Nations evidence expand world develop;build its economics with foreign investor or foreign capital becoming byword have gone forward and is rich, in general remain to be impecunious, national income depend on that foreign investor and trapp overseas debt, so that become rich Nations patient as previous pendonor aim to help.Result of research qualitative which I execute in the year 1995 hitting impact policy of program contract masterpiece central government of mining of and gold of HPH (result of processing of forest) by take careing foreign in north Sulawesi, becoming elementary evidence result of the analysis above, result of research of menunjukan that policy of alokatif, do not have the character of and ditributif of redistributive to resident of didesa-desa in north Sulawesi. Malahan removed from previous farm of their place of gold-mine and process forest wood. And because resident of countryside there is no other choice of work to fulfill requirement of everyday life, so that they perforced to continue it him till now, volunteer accept risk. This problem have endless since new order hitherto long draw out, so that push me to continue research to find concept solve problem. For the purpose of and target of this, research continued in the year 1999, entitling is: In perpective of Human Resource in Rural In Ell Natural Resources and Environment. Result of research of menunjukan that in the reality; what referred as by central government of mineworker of wild gold and clear away of that forest is resident of countryside having technique readyness and ability of tibean, owning appliance produce tibean, powered of productive performance, efficient and effective in process SDA forest wood and gold. They is SDM countryside termpil ready for use, ought to in viewing as capital properties of State in formulation of policy of alokatif. this Research evidence if compared to result of gold production, Skillful SDM of that countryside by take careing is foreign of great Minahasa Newmont, hence skillful SDM of countryside of menghasikan 150 gold singk of perminggu (working team sample 200 people), while take careing is foreign of Newmont yield 100 gold singk of perminggu, clear result of production of SDM skillful of superordinate. In north Sulawesi there are 25.598 people mineworker of gold, 3.482 people processor of wood result of forest, operating on regional farm of forest for the width of 1.660.000 Ha. Pursuant to fact in this research is found by concept "Tibean'' name of appliance produce wise gold of local resident of sub-province countryside of Bolaang north Sulaewsi mongondow, containing meaning of SDM countryside termpil is capital properties of State, having technical ability, owning production appliance, powered of productive kenerja, efficient and effective in process SDA, ready for use in process wood and gold result of forest, representing State capital which must be powered.In line with and utilize research develop theory later;then find new theory or concept to solve problem resident of wild gold-mine countryside and wood merambah result of forest as victim policy of alokkatif. Conception controlled by important tibean of its scope performance setting of him in time and room proceed as which the existence of is productive. Defended and developed will become model enableness of SDM countryside termpil in policy of alokatif process SDA gold mineral through research program with title : Approach Of Concept of Tibean In Enableness Of Skillful SDM of Countryside Process SDA As Authorized Capital Prosperity of People.Idea and idea Enableness Of Skillful SDM of Countryside Socialization to resident of government and countryside will become enableness model since early research of year 1995, inwrought dilasanakan with stages;steps process research of continuation at region of obyek and of focus research which have been determined as research sampel with resident of regional countrysides of National Park of Dumoga Bone Sub-Province of Bolaang Monondow. Result of socialization, resident understand citizen rights and obligations exploit SDA which pursuant to constitution commendation of UUD 1945, resident agree to struggle with conception diterimah tibean become program of kibijakan gold natural resources allocation and wood result of forest. Is to be dialogued and discussion with resident of government and countryside in District of Dumoga Center organization structure Co-Ordinate Reform of Dumoga Bone (PKRDB) in the year 1999, countryside office of Imandi. Start since then society of Dumoga claim government through lobby and demonstration is so that given by opportunity of gold-mine and process forest cane and wood with sharing holder system with government like [at] program of konrak masterpiece. demand of Diterimah in the year 2001 by government of Sub-Province of Bolaang Mongodow with government of Province Sulawesi North, given by region for the width of 305 Ha countryside of Toraut national park area as region for example conception Tibean at the same time await decision of central government. Pemeritah Center as owner of authority promise will be processed by since year 2001, hitherto there is no realization because actor maker of policy, politician and bureaucracy as determinant of owner of decision, orient idea in taking policy of resource allocation still handcuffed with program contract masterpiece with foreign investor. So that process struggle of concept of tibean remain to be continued by socialization to get political support through political process succeed.Keyword: Legality of SDM Skillful of Countryside

Population ageing has become one of the most burning issues on the agenda of the social policy-makers in the industrialised countries. In 2050, about a quarter of the population of Belgium will be aged 65+ and a tenth 80+. This change in the population structure is associated with an increase in the demand for community care. Therefore, the organisation of a sustainable long-term care system is one of the main challenges to address. So far, the family seems to remain the first, the main and the most stable source of elderly care. But family care has its limitations (it is not available for the family-less elderly and may have detrimental consequences for the care-givers if long-term and/or heavy care is needed). Social policies should be developed in order to support or to substitute family care and to provide sustainable long-term care for the elderly in the community. To do that, the first step is to have a good knowledge of the determinants and the dynamics of the care provided to the elderly by their family. This dissertation focuses on the care provided by the spouse and the children (the 'family care-givers') in Belgium. The approach is quantitative and, using the Life Course as theoretical framework, the dissertation tries to explore the 'longitudinal' and 'contextual' aspects of the study phenomenon. The main originality is to carry out a longitudinal analysis of the elderly family care characteristics in a representative sample of Belgian elderly. The three main research questions are addressed: Who is receiving family care? What are the characteristics of the received family care? How do these characteristics evolve over time? But before starting the analyses and answering those questions, the context and the methodology should be specified. Therefore the dissertation has been divided into three parts. The contextual part starts with a discussion of the concept of care and a presentation of the Life Course approach, continues with the review of the literature, then describes the Belgian context and ends with a comparison of the existing surveys dealing with elderly family care in Belgium. The methodological part begins with a presentation of the analysed survey (the Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) and the study sample (the 1,123 respondents of Belgian nationality, who have answered - at least - both to the first and the third wave and are aged 65+ in 1994), afterwards, the preparation of the analysis file is detailed and the used variables are presented. The analysis part includes three chapters (one for each of the research questions). The family elderly care is a complex phenomenon which is part of an existing relationship. The risk of under-declaration is highlighted from the presentation of the care concept onward and many efforts were done in the data preparation to correct this declaration bias. But it still appears in the analyses results and can, therefore be considered as a main finding because it shows that the current terminology and its related question wording should be revised. In the conclusion, 'close support' is suggested as an alternative to 'family care'. Being more positive and inclusive, it would favour care declaration and allow the development of more comprehensive preventive supportive policy measures. Another important finding is the presence of regional differences: elderly Flemish were more likely to receive intensive and long-term family care and Brussels inhabitants were the most likely to rely only on care services or to receive no care at all. These differences were explained by the differences in elderly care policy orientations which also reflect strong cultural differences. Finally, the longitudinal approach highlighted that once the family starts to care, it is often for a long time, and especially when the elderly is very old or if a child cares for a spouseless parent. In both cases, care services are often used in complement. The elderly having a spouse are less likely to use care services and this should be a major concern for social policy-makers: elderly couples are often both frail and, without external support, they would be at high risk of institutionalisation. ; Dans les pays industrialisés, le vieillissement de la population est devenu une des questions les plus préoccupantes pour les décideurs en matière de politiques sociales. En 2050, un quart de la population belge aura 65 ans ou plus et un dixième aura au moins 80 ans. Cette évolution va de pair avec une augmentation de la demande de soins à domicile. Dès lors, la mise en place d'un système soutenable de soins de longue durée est un des grands défis à relever par nos sociétés. Jusqu'ici, la famille reste la première source d'aide, la principale et la plus stable dans le temps. Mais l'aide apportée par la famille a ses limites (elle n'est pas disponible pour toutes les personnes âgées et, lorsqu'elle l'est, le fait d'aider peut avoir des conséquences négatives pour l'aidant, si l'aide est très intense ou de très longue durée). Des politiques sociales devraient être développées pour soutenir ou se substituer à l'aide apportée par la famille, afin d'assurer la prise en charge à domicile des personnes âgées sur le long terme. Pour cela, la première chose à faire est d'acquérir une bonne connaissance des déterminants et de la dynamique de l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leurs proches. Cette thèse de doctorat s'intéresse spécifiquement à l'aide apportée par le conjoint et les enfants (les care-givers) en Belgique. L'approche est quantitative et, prenant l'approche Life Course comme cadre théorique, cette recherche tente d'explorer les aspects 'longitudinaux' et 'contextuels' du phénomène étudié. Son originalité principale est de procéder à une analyse longitudinale des caractéristiques de l'aide apportée à un échantillon représentatif des personnes âgées belges. Trois questions de recherche sont posées : « Qui reçoit de l'aide des membres de la famille ? », « Quelles sont les caractéristiques de cette aide ? » et « Comment ces caractéristiques évoluent-elles dans le temps ? ». Mais, avant de commencer les analyses et de proposer des réponses à ces questions, le contexte et la méthodologie sont décrits. Ainsi, la thèse de doctorat est divisée en trois parties. La partie contextuelle commence par une discussion du concept d'aide et une présentation de l'approche Life Course, elle continue avec la revue de la littérature, puis la description du contexte belge et fini par une comparaison des enquêtes quantitatives existantes en Belgique comportant des questions relatives à l'aide apportée par la famille à un proche âgé. La partie méthodologique commence par la présentation de l'enquête analysée (le Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) et de l'échantillon étudié (les 1,123 personnes de nationalité belge, qui ont répondu aux questionnaires de la première et de la troisième vague de l'enquête et qui ont 65 ans ou plus en 1994); ensuite, la préparation du fichier d'analyse est détaillée, de même que sont présentées les variables utilisées. La partie analyse compte trois chapitres (un par question de recherche). L'aide apportée par la famille est un phénomène complexe parce qu'elle s'inscrit dans une relation préexistante. Le risque de sous-déclaration est mis en évidence dans de la présentation du concept d'aide et de nombreux efforts ont été fait lors de la préparation des données pour corriger ce biais de déclaration. Malgré cela, la sous-déclaration apparait toujours dans les analyses et peut, de ce fait, être considérée comme un des résultats principaux de cette recherche, parce que cela montre que la formulation des questions relatives à l'aide dans les enquêtes devrait être revue. Dans la conclusion, le terme de 'soutien proche' (close support) est proposé comme alternative à 'aide de la famille' (family care). Ayant une connotation plus positive et étant plus inclusif, ce terme devrait favoriser la déclaration de l'aide et permettre le développement de politiques de prévention. Un autre résultat important est la présence de fortes différences régionales : l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leur famille était plus intensive et de plus de plus longue durée en Flandre alors que les Bruxellois avaient plus souvent uniquement recours à l'aide de professionnels. Cela peut être dû aux différences d'orientations politiques en termes d'aide aux personnes âgées mais celles-ci reflètent aussi des différences culturelles. Enfin, l'approche longitudinale a mis en évidence le 'long-terme' de l'aide apportée par la famille, en particulier lorsque la personne est très âgée ou qu'un enfant s'occupe d'un parent isolé. Dans les deux cas, l'aide professionnelle est souvent utilisée en complément. Les personnes âgées vivant en couple ont moins fréquemment recours aux services d'aide à domicile et cela devrait interpeller les décideurs politiques : les deux conjoints sont souvent fragiles et, sans aide extérieure, ils ont un risque d'institutionnalisation plus élevé. ; (DEMO 3) -- UCL, 2011

Population ageing has become one of the most burning issues on the agenda of the social policy-makers in the industrialised countries. In 2050, about a quarter of the population of Belgium will be aged 65+ and a tenth 80+. This change in the population structure is associated with an increase in the demand for community care. Therefore, the organisation of a sustainable long-term care system is one of the main challenges to address. So far, the family seems to remain the first, the main and the most stable source of elderly care. But family care has its limitations (it is not available for the family-less elderly and may have detrimental consequences for the care-givers if long-term and/or heavy care is needed). Social policies should be developed in order to support or to substitute family care and to provide sustainable long-term care for the elderly in the community. To do that, the first step is to have a good knowledge of the determinants and the dynamics of the care provided to the elderly by their family. This dissertation focuses on the care provided by the spouse and the children (the 'family care-givers') in Belgium. The approach is quantitative and, using the Life Course as theoretical framework, the dissertation tries to explore the 'longitudinal' and 'contextual' aspects of the study phenomenon. The main originality is to carry out a longitudinal analysis of the elderly family care characteristics in a representative sample of Belgian elderly. The three main research questions are addressed: Who is receiving family care? What are the characteristics of the received family care? How do these characteristics evolve over time? But before starting the analyses and answering those questions, the context and the methodology should be specified. Therefore the dissertation has been divided into three parts. The contextual part starts with a discussion of the concept of care and a presentation of the Life Course approach, continues with the review of the literature, then describes the Belgian context and ends with a comparison of the existing surveys dealing with elderly family care in Belgium. The methodological part begins with a presentation of the analysed survey (the Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) and the study sample (the 1,123 respondents of Belgian nationality, who have answered - at least - both to the first and the third wave and are aged 65+ in 1994), afterwards, the preparation of the analysis file is detailed and the used variables are presented. The analysis part includes three chapters (one for each of the research questions). The family elderly care is a complex phenomenon which is part of an existing relationship. The risk of under-declaration is highlighted from the presentation of the care concept onward and many efforts were done in the data preparation to correct this declaration bias. But it still appears in the analyses results and can, therefore be considered as a main finding because it shows that the current terminology and its related question wording should be revised. In the conclusion, 'close support' is suggested as an alternative to 'family care'. Being more positive and inclusive, it would favour care declaration and allow the development of more comprehensive preventive supportive policy measures. Another important finding is the presence of regional differences: elderly Flemish were more likely to receive intensive and long-term family care and Brussels inhabitants were the most likely to rely only on care services or to receive no care at all. These differences were explained by the differences in elderly care policy orientations which also reflect strong cultural differences. Finally, the longitudinal approach highlighted that once the family starts to care, it is often for a long time, and especially when the elderly is very old or if a child cares for a spouseless parent. In both cases, care services are often used in complement. The elderly having a spouse are less likely to use care services and this should be a major concern for social policy-makers: elderly couples are often both frail and, without external support, they would be at high risk of institutionalisation. ; Dans les pays industrialisés, le vieillissement de la population est devenu une des questions les plus préoccupantes pour les décideurs en matière de politiques sociales. En 2050, un quart de la population belge aura 65 ans ou plus et un dixième aura au moins 80 ans. Cette évolution va de pair avec une augmentation de la demande de soins à domicile. Dès lors, la mise en place d'un système soutenable de soins de longue durée est un des grands défis à relever par nos sociétés. Jusqu'ici, la famille reste la première source d'aide, la principale et la plus stable dans le temps. Mais l'aide apportée par la famille a ses limites (elle n'est pas disponible pour toutes les personnes âgées et, lorsqu'elle l'est, le fait d'aider peut avoir des conséquences négatives pour l'aidant, si l'aide est très intense ou de très longue durée). Des politiques sociales devraient être développées pour soutenir ou se substituer à l'aide apportée par la famille, afin d'assurer la prise en charge à domicile des personnes âgées sur le long terme. Pour cela, la première chose à faire est d'acquérir une bonne connaissance des déterminants et de la dynamique de l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leurs proches. Cette thèse de doctorat s'intéresse spécifiquement à l'aide apportée par le conjoint et les enfants (les care-givers) en Belgique. L'approche est quantitative et, prenant l'approche Life Course comme cadre théorique, cette recherche tente d'explorer les aspects 'longitudinaux' et 'contextuels' du phénomène étudié. Son originalité principale est de procéder à une analyse longitudinale des caractéristiques de l'aide apportée à un échantillon représentatif des personnes âgées belges. Trois questions de recherche sont posées : « Qui reçoit de l'aide des membres de la famille ? », « Quelles sont les caractéristiques de cette aide ? » et « Comment ces caractéristiques évoluent-elles dans le temps ? ». Mais, avant de commencer les analyses et de proposer des réponses à ces questions, le contexte et la méthodologie sont décrits. Ainsi, la thèse de doctorat est divisée en trois parties. La partie contextuelle commence par une discussion du concept d'aide et une présentation de l'approche Life Course, elle continue avec la revue de la littérature, puis la description du contexte belge et fini par une comparaison des enquêtes quantitatives existantes en Belgique comportant des questions relatives à l'aide apportée par la famille à un proche âgé. La partie méthodologique commence par la présentation de l'enquête analysée (le Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) et de l'échantillon étudié (les 1,123 personnes de nationalité belge, qui ont répondu aux questionnaires de la première et de la troisième vague de l'enquête et qui ont 65 ans ou plus en 1994); ensuite, la préparation du fichier d'analyse est détaillée, de même que sont présentées les variables utilisées. La partie analyse compte trois chapitres (un par question de recherche). L'aide apportée par la famille est un phénomène complexe parce qu'elle s'inscrit dans une relation préexistante. Le risque de sous-déclaration est mis en évidence dans de la présentation du concept d'aide et de nombreux efforts ont été fait lors de la préparation des données pour corriger ce biais de déclaration. Malgré cela, la sous-déclaration apparait toujours dans les analyses et peut, de ce fait, être considérée comme un des résultats principaux de cette recherche, parce que cela montre que la formulation des questions relatives à l'aide dans les enquêtes devrait être revue. Dans la conclusion, le terme de 'soutien proche' (close support) est proposé comme alternative à 'aide de la famille' (family care). Ayant une connotation plus positive et étant plus inclusif, ce terme devrait favoriser la déclaration de l'aide et permettre le développement de politiques de prévention. Un autre résultat important est la présence de fortes différences régionales : l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leur famille était plus intensive et de plus de plus longue durée en Flandre alors que les Bruxellois avaient plus souvent uniquement recours à l'aide de professionnels. Cela peut être dû aux différences d'orientations politiques en termes d'aide aux personnes âgées mais celles-ci reflètent aussi des différences culturelles. Enfin, l'approche longitudinale a mis en évidence le 'long-terme' de l'aide apportée par la famille, en particulier lorsque la personne est très âgée ou qu'un enfant s'occupe d'un parent isolé. Dans les deux cas, l'aide professionnelle est souvent utilisée en complément. Les personnes âgées vivant en couple ont moins fréquemment recours aux services d'aide à domicile et cela devrait interpeller les décideurs politiques : les deux conjoints sont souvent fragiles et, sans aide extérieure, ils ont un risque d'institutionnalisation plus élevé. ; (DEMO 3) -- UCL, 2011

1International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Provisional measures of protection — Circumstances in which Court will indicate provisional measures — Whether necessary to determine that prima facie basis for jurisdiction exists — Nature of provisional measures in case involving continuing armed conflictInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Removal of case from list — Circumstances in which request for removal will be granted — Necessary that there must be no prima facie basis for jurisdictionInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Intervention — Application by State to intervene to contest jurisdiction and admissibility — Whether any basis for such intervention in Statute — Whether appropriate to hold hearing — Refusal of request to intervene not a bar to intervention at merits phase of proceedingsInternational Court of Justice — Organization of the Court — Judges — Standards of behaviour — Press conference — Reference by State party to case to nationality of certain judges — Suggestion that secret information could not be disclosed to court containing judges from certain countriesInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Declaration of acceptance — Declarations made under Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice — When transferred to International Court of Justice — Statute of the International Court of Justice, Article 36(5) — Whether necessary for declaration to have been binding in respect of Permanent Court in order to be transferred under Article 36(5) — Declaration made by Nicaragua on signing Protocol of Signature to the Statute of the Permanent Court — Never completed by ratification — Whether possessing any legal effect — Whether constituting a binding acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court by virtue of Article 36(5)International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — State listed in Court publications as having accepted compulsory jurisdiction — Whether inclusion in list legally significant — Conduct of States — Whether capable of curing defect in State's acceptance of compulsory jurisdiction — Whether conduct must be consistent and unequivocal — Whether State's conduct amounting to an estoppel2International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Withdrawal or amendment of declaration accepting compulsory jurisdiction — Declaration stating that notice required — Whether States within Optional Clause system possessing extra-statutory right to withdraw declarations with immediate effect — State practice under Optional Clause — Reciprocity — Whether applicable to notice provisions of declarationsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Reservations — Reservation excluding jurisdiction of the Court in relation to disputes arising under a multilateral treaty if the other parties to the treaty who would be affected by the decision not before the Court — Interpretation — Whether reservation capable of being applied in proceedings relating to jurisdiction — Whether more appropriate for application at merits phase — Reservation precluding Court from adjudicating upon claims based on treaty provisions on the use of force and intervention — Whether also precluding application of customary law principles with content similar or identical to treaty provisionsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Under bilateral treaty — Nicaragua-United States Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation, 1956 — Disputes regarding interpretation and application of Treaty — Extent of jurisdiction conferred upon CourtInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Admissibility of application — Legal dispute — Definition — Whether excluding dispute involving continuing armed conflict — Whether such disputes reserved for Security Council — Whether State required to exhaust regional political machinery for settlement of disputes before referring matter to Court — Absence of other States involved in regional dispute — Whether international law includes indispensable parties rule — Whether admissibility to be considered at jurisdiction or merits phase of proceedingsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Fact-finding — Rules of evidence — Procedure for determining facts — Relevant period — Press information and matters of public knowledge — Statements by representatives of States — Oral evidence of witnesses — Material not presented in accordance with Rules of CourtInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Absence of respondent State from part of proceedings — Statute of the International Court, Article 533International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Power to award damages — Whether including power to make interim award of damagesSources of international law — Treaties — Customary international law — Relationship between treaties and custom — Development of customary international law through the conclusion of treaties — Whether treaty completely supplants identical rules of customary international law as between parties to the treaty — United Nations Charter — Charter of the Organization of American States — Provisions relating to intervention and the use of force — Whether codificatory of existing customary law at the date of their conclusion — Whether customary law has subsequently developed to take the same form as Charter provisionsSources of international law — Customary international law — Constituent elements — Practice — Whether absolute consistency required — Opinio iuris — Evidence of — Treaties as evidence of opinio iuris — Resolutions of international organizations as evidence of opinio iuris — Significance of concordant views of parties to case as evidence of content of customary lawState responsibility — For acts of armed groups supported by State — Rebel groups operating in one State financed and equipped by other State — Whether acts of rebel groups imputable to the State which supports them — Degree of control necessary for acts to be imputable to StateWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Definition — Whether supplying rebel groups operating in another State a use of force against that State — Whether an armed attack — Provision of funds and supply of arms — Logistical and organizational support — Training — Covert operations — Sending armed bands — Whether an armed attack — United Nations Charter, Articles 2(4) and 51 — Customary international lawWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Self-defence — Limitations on the right of self-defence — Requirement of an armed attack — Necessity and proportionality — Motive of State using force in alleged self-defence — Collective self-defence — Requirements — Whether State which has been the victim of an armed attack must request assistance — Whether third State coming to assistance of victim State must itself be under threat — Duty to report measures taken to Security Council under United Nations 4Charter, Article 51 — Whether also a requirement of customary international law — Evidential significance of failure to report measuresWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Self-defence — Whether State entitled to use force in response to unlawful intervention not amounting to an armed attackWar and armed conflict — Humanitarian law and the laws of armed conflict — Geneva Conventions, 1949 — Whether an expression or a development of fundamental principles of humanity — Common Article 3 — Fundamental principles applicable to non-international conflicts — Minimum yardstick also applicable to international conflicts — Conflict in Nicaragua — Whether international — Common Article 1 — Duty to ensure respect for Conventions in all circumstances — Publication of manual advocating the commission of acts contrary to humanitarian law — Whether publication a violation of humanitarian lawWar and armed conflict — Humanitarian law and the laws of armed conflict — Naval warfare — Mines — Hague Convention No. VIII, Relative to the Laying of Automatic Submarine Contact Mines, 1907 — Duty to notify international shipping of the existence and location of minefieldsStates — Sovereignty — Duty of non-intervention — Scope and extent of duty at customary international law — Support for rebel groups in another State — Right of each State to determine political system and foreign policy for itself — Whether this freedom curtailed by announcement to regional organization of political programme — Whether announcement constituting binding undertaking — Regional organization and some States within region recognizing new government on strength of undertakingStates — Sovereignty — Mining approaches to State's ports — Unauthorized intrusion into State's airspace — Whether violations of State's sovereigntyGovernments — Recognition — Conditions of recognition — Nicaragua — Junta for National Reconstruction offering certain undertakings about future direction of Nicaragua — Organization of American States withdrawing recognition from previous "Somoza" Government — Whether undertakings binding5Governments — Succession — Successful rebellion — New government responsible for acts of rebelsHuman rights — Enforcement — Whether States have a right to use force against State which is violating human rights — Alleged violations of human rights in Nicaragua — Whether justifying use of force by the United StatesAir — Airspace — Unauthorized intrusion into State's airspace — Whether a violation of State sovereigntySea — Territorial Sea — Internal waters — Freedom of passage — Mines — State laying mines in territorial sea and internal waters of other State — Access to other State's ports impeded — Whether a violation of freedom of navigationEconomics, trade and finance — Economic sanctions — Trade embargo — State blocking loans in international organizations — United States sanctions against Nicaragua — Whether contrary to general international law — Whether contrary to Nicaragua-United States Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation, 1956 — Whether defeating object and purpose of treatyDamages — Basis for award of damages — Reparation for unlawful use of force and intervention — Declaration that Respondent State under a duty to make reparation — Form and amount of reparation to be settled in later proceedingsTreaties — Form — Informal undertakings — Plan for political development of State issued by government in exile to regional organization — Whether intended to have legal effect

A sweeping history of libertarian thought, from radical anarchists to conservative defenders of the status quoLibertarianism emerged in the mid-nineteenth century with an unwavering commitment to progressive causes, from women's rights and the fight against slavery to anti-colonialism and Irish emancipation. Today, this movement founded on the principle of individual liberty finds itself divided by both progressive and reactionary elements vying to claim it as their own. The Individualists is the untold story of a political doctrine continually reshaped by fierce internal tensions, bold and eccentric personalities, and shifting political circumstances.Matt Zwolinski and John Tomasi trace the history of libertarianism from its origins as a radical progressive ideology in the 1850s to its crisis of identity today. They examine the doctrine's evolution through six defining themes: private property, skepticism of authority, free markets, individualism, spontaneous order, and individual liberty. They show how the movement took a turn toward conservativism during the Cold War, when the dangers of communism at home and abroad came to dominate libertarian thinking. Zwolinski and Tomasi reveal a history that is wider, more diverse, and more contentious than many of us realize.A groundbreaking work of scholarship, The Individualists uncovers the neglected roots of a movement that has championed the poor and marginalized since its founding, but whose talk of equal liberty has often been bent to serve the interests of the rich and powerful

An original defense of the unique value of voting in a democracyVoting is only one of the many ways that citizens can participate in public decision making, so why does it occupy such a central place in the democratic imagination? In Election Day, political theorist Emilee Booth Chapman provides an original answer to that question, showing precisely what is so special about how we vote in today's democracies. By presenting a holistic account of popular voting practices and where they fit into complex democratic systems, she defends popular attitudes toward voting against radical critics and offers much-needed guidance for voting reform.Elections embody a distinctive constellation of democratic values and perform essential functions in democratic communities. Election day dramatizes the nature of democracy as a collective and individual undertaking, makes equal citizenship and individual dignity concrete and transparent, and socializes citizens into their roles as equal political agents. Chapman shows that fully realizing these ends depends not only on the widespread opportunity to vote but also on consistently high levels of actual turnout, and that citizens' experiences of voting matters as much as the formal properties of a voting system. And these insights are also essential for crafting and evaluating electoral reform proposals.By rethinking what citizens experience when they go to the polls, Election Day recovers the full value of democratic voting today

The present report provides an overview of the main developments and debates in relation to migration and asylum in Luxembourg in 2017. The number of people applying for international protection remained high in 2017 (2.322 applications) compared to the levels registered pre- 'migration crisis' (1.091 in 2014). However, the number of registrations remained relatively stable if compared to the two preceding years (2.447 in 2015 and 2.035 in 2016). This relative stability in numbers also reflected on the general public and policy debate in the field of migration and asylum. Since 2016, its focus has continuously shifted from an 'emergency' discourse axed on the implementation of reception measures and conditions towards discussions on longer-term integration measures and policies. In this regard, the newly introduced Guided Integration Trail (parcours d'intégration accompagné - PIA) can be considered a flagship project of OLAI, the national agency responsible for the reception and integration of foreigners. This multidisciplinary package of measures aims to empower applicants and beneficiaries of international protection and to support them in developing their life project. The trail, compulsory for all adult applicants for international protection, consists of a linguistic component and a civic component and is split into three phases. Although increasing housing capacities for the reception of applicants for international protection was high on national authorities' agenda, housing remained a challenging aspect of the asylum system and triggered debate on a national scale. Alongside access to training, problems related to housing were among the issues most frequently raised by applicants for international protection in 2017. The lack of affordable housing on the private market, an increasing number of family reunifications as well as the increasing number of beneficiaries and persons who have been issued a return decision who remain housed in structures of OLAI were all identified as interplaying barriers for finding available accommodation for applicants for international protection. The difficulties with the construction of modular housing structures also persisted in 2017. A certain reticence of the population towards the construction of these so-called 'container villages, planned in response to the increasing influx that started in August 2015, was visible in the appeals introduced into Luxembourg's First Instance Administrative Courts to annul the land-use plans related to the projects. Living conditions in the various reception facilities were also one of the subjects of discussion in 2017. This included a debate on the (lack of) kitchen infrastructure in reception facilities and the varying systems for provision of food, the types of food available, as well as the availability of internet. As an answer to the resurgence of an increased influx of applicants of international protection from the Western Balkans in early 2017, a new 'ultra-accelerated procedure' was put in place for applicants of international protection stemming from the Western Balkans. According to the state authorities, the ultra-accelerated procedure was set up to take pressure off the reception facilities, but also as a deterrent to avoid creating false hopes for long-term stay. In April 2017, a 'semi-open return structure' (Structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg – SHUK) was put in place, from which people are transferred to states applying the Dublin regulation. Due to home custody (assignation à résidence), the SHUK is considered to be an alternative to detention by national authorities. The newly created structure as well as the related conditions for assignment, were nevertheless criticised by civil society. The outcry among civil society was equally high during and after the adoption the Law of 8 March 2017, which endorses the extension of the permitted period of detention of adults or families with children from 72 hours to 7 days, in order to improve the organisation of the return and ensures that it is carried out successfully. A commission in charge of determining the best interests of unaccompanied minors applying for international protection was decided at the end of 2017. The commission is in charge of carrying out individual assessments regarding the best interest of the child with the aim of delivering an authorisation of stay or a return decision. Among the elements taken into consideration when the best interest of the child is evaluated in the context of a potential return decision is information provided by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The latter made an agreement with the Directorate of Immigration in 2017 to search for the parents of UAMs in the country of origin. With the focus of debates having slowly shifted towards long-term integration issues, the Council of Government also approved the elaboration of a new multiannual national action plan on integration. The plan will be based on two axes: (1) the reception and follow-up of applicants for international protection and (2) the integration of Luxembourg's non-Luxembourgish residents. Luxembourg's National Employment Agency (ADEM) set up a "cellule BPI" (beneficiaries of international protection cell) in its Employer Service in early 2017. This cell provides employers with information regarding job applications and evaluations of the competences of beneficiaries of international protection. A new law on the Luxembourgish nationality entered into force on 1 April 2017. Given the particular demographic situation of Luxembourg characterised by a significant increase in the total population and a decrease in the proportion of Luxembourgers in the total population, the reform intends to promote the societal and political integration of non-Luxembourgish citizens and to strengthen cohesion within the national community. The main changes introduced by the law include a decreased length of residence requirement for naturalisation (from 7 to 5 years), the right of birthplace (jus soli) of the first generation, a simplified way of acquiring Luxembourgish nationality by 'option', as well as new scenarios to avoid cases of statelessness. The law maintains previous linguistic requirements but makes some adjustments in order to prevent the language condition from becoming an insurmountable obstacle. Ahead of the local elections held on 8 October 2017, the Ministry of Family, Integration and the Greater Region launched a national information and awareness-raising campaign titled "Je peux voter" (I can vote) in January 2017. This campaign aimed to motivate Luxembourg's foreign population to register on the electoral roll for the local elections. The government's intention to legislate face concealment was arguably one of the most debated topics in the field related to community life and integration in the broader sense, both in parliament as well as in the media and public sphere. Bill n°7179 aims to modify article 563 of the Penal Code and to create the prohibition of face concealment in certain public spaces. The bill defines face concealment as the action of covering part of or all of the face in a way of rendering the identification of the person impossible and provides a wide variety of examples, such as the wearing of a motor cycle helmet, a balaclava or a full-face veil. Opposing views among stakeholders, whether political parties, public institutions, civil society or the media, emerged with regard to the necessity to legislate in the matter and if so, on the basis of which grounds and to what extent. The phenomenon of migration has also led to a more heterogeneous population in Luxembourg's schools. To face this situation, the education authorities continued to diversify Luxembourg's offer in education and training, creating for instance a bigger offer for youngsters and adults who do not master any of Luxembourg's vehicular languages, offering more alphabetisation courses or basic instruction courses. The Minister for National Education continued to develop and adapt the school offer to the increased heterogeneity by increasing the international and European school offer, introducing of a new mediation service and putting in place a plurilingual education programme. In the area of legal migration, the most significant changes concerned admission policies of specific categories of third-country nationals. In this respect, bill n°7188 mainly aims to transpose Directive (EU) 2016/801 of the European Parliament and the Council of 11 May 2016 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of research, studies, training, voluntary service, pupil exchange schemes or educational projects and au pairing. The directive aims to make the European Union a world centre of excellence for studies and training, while favouring contacts between people and favouring their mobility, these two being important elements of the European Union's external policy. Bill N°7188 intends to facilitate and simplify the procedures for intra-European mobility of TCN researchers and students. Moreover, the proposed changes include incentive mechanisms to retain students and researchers. To this end, it proposes that students and researchers, once they have completed their studies/research, can be issued a residence permit for "private reasons" for a duration of 9 months at most in view of finding employment or creating a business. Finally, bill n°7188 also foresees provisions to regulate the family reunification of a researcher staying in Luxembourg in the context of short- and long-term mobility with his/her nuclear family. The legislator furthermore transposed Directive 2014/36 on seasonal workers and Directive 2014/66 on temporary intragroup transfer into national law, and adapted Luxembourg's immigration law to the needs to the economy, by introducing, amongst other things, and authorisation of stay for investors. Organising the admission of stay and the issuance of authorisations of stay was also a key component within the agreement between Luxembourg and Cape Verde on the concerted management of migratory flows and solidary development. Other objectives of the agreement include the promotion of the movement of people, detailing readmission procedures, fighting against irregular migration, strengthening the legal establishment and integration of the concerned nationals, as well as the mobilisation of skills and resources of migrants in favour of solidary development. ; Le présent rapport fait la synthèse des principaux débats et des évolutions majeures concernant les migrations et l'asile au Luxembourg en 2017. Le nombre de personnes demandant une protection internationale est resté élevé en 2017 (2 322 demandes) par rapport aux niveaux enregistrés avant la « crise migratoire » (1 091 en 2014). Toutefois, ce nombre est resté relativement stable par rapport aux deux années précédentes (2 447 en 2015 et 2 035 en 2016). Cette stabilité relative s'est également reflétée dans le débat public et politique dans le domaine des migrations et de l'asile. Depuis 2016, l'accent n'a cessé de se déplacer d'un discours « d'urgence » axé sur la mise en œuvre de mesures et de conditions d'accueil vers des discussions sur des mesures et des politiques d'intégration à plus long terme. À cet égard, le nouveau parcours d'intégration accompagné (PIA) peut être considéré comme un projet phare de l'OLAI, l'Office luxembourgeois de l'accueil et de l'intégration des étrangers. Le PIA vise à autonomiser les demandeurs et les bénéficiaires d'une protection internationale et à les soutenir dans le développement de leur projet de vie. Le parcours, obligatoire pour tous les demandeurs adultes de protection internationale, se compose d'une composante linguistique et d'une composante civique, et il est divisé en trois phases. Bien que l'augmentation des capacités d'hébergement des demandeurs de protection internationale (DPI) figure parmi les priorités des autorités nationales, le logement des DPI reste très problématique et a déclenché un débat à l'échelle nationale. Outre l'accès à la formation, les problèmes liés au logement des DPI ont été parmi les questions les plus fréquemment soulevées en 2017. La pression sur le logement des DPI et des bénéficiaires de protection internationale (BPI) est importante : le manque de logements abordables sur le marché privé, le nombre croissant de réunifications familiales et la progression du nombre de BPI et de personnes qui ont fait l'objet d'une décision de retour mais qui restent hébergées dans les structures de l'OLAI ont été identifiés comme facteurs de pression. Les difficultés liées à la construction de structures modulaires d'hébergement ont également persisté en 2017. Une certaine réticence de la population à l'égard de la construction de ces « villages conteneurs », prévue en réponse à l'afflux croissant qui a commencé en août 2015, était visible dans les recours introduits devant les tribunaux administratifs pour annuler les plans d'occupation des sols liés aux projets. Les conditions de vie au sein des structures d'accueil ont également fait l'objet de discussions. Elles portaient notamment sur l'absence d'équipement en cuisines de plusieurs lieux d'accueil, les différents systèmes d'approvisionnement en nourriture et les types de nourriture disponibles. Afin de répondre au nombre toujours important de DPI en provenance des pays des Balkans occidentaux, une procédure ultra-accélérée a été mise en place. Cette procédure a été instaurée pour diminuer les pressions sur les structures d'accueil et pour éviter de créer de faux espoirs pour les séjours de longue durée. En avril 2017, la structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg (SHUK) a été mise en place, afin d'héberger les DPI pour lesquels le Luxembourg n'est pas compétent pour examiner les demandes en vertu de l'application du règlement de Dublin. Ce nombre a fortement progressé. Le placement à la SHUK correspond à une assignation à résidence, donc à une alternative à la rétention. La structure nouvellement créée ainsi que les conditions d'affectation ont néanmoins été critiquées par la société civile. Plusieurs acteurs de la société civile ont manifesté leur opposition face à une disposition de la loi du 8 mars 2017 qui a étendu la période de rétention des adultes ou familles avec enfants de 72 heures à 7 jours afin de rendre plus efficiente l'organisation du retour. Un premier bilan du fonctionnement du Centre de rétention a été publié en 2017. Une commission chargée d'évaluer l'intérêt des mineurs non accompagnés dans le cadre d'une décision de retour a été créé fin 2017. La commission est chargée de mener à bien des évaluations individuelles concernant l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant dans le but de prendre une décision de retour ou d'accorder une autorisation de séjour. Parmi les éléments pris en considération lors de cette évaluation et dans le contexte d'une éventuelle décision de retour figurent également les informations fournies par l'Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Cette dernière a conclu un accord avec la Direction de l'immigration pour rechercher les parents de mineurs non accompagnés dans le pays d'origine. Comme les débats s'orientent lentement vers l'intégration à long terme, le Conseil de gouvernement a également approuvé l'élaboration d'un nouveau plan d'action national sur l'intégration. Le plan sera basé sur deux axes : l'accueil et le suivi des demandeurs de protection internationale et l'intégration des résidents non luxembourgeois au Luxembourg. L'Agence pour le Développement de l'Emploi (ADEM) a créé une cellule BPI au sein de son Service employeurs. Cette cellule fournit aux employeurs des renseignements sur les demandes d'emploi et les évaluations des compétences des BPI. Une nouvelle loi sur la nationalité luxembourgeoise est entrée en vigueur le 1er avril 2017. Cette loi s'inscrit dans le contexte démographique particulier du Luxembourg, caractérisé par une augmentation continue de la population totale avec, en parallèle, une diminution de la part des Luxembourgeois dans la population totale. A travers cette loi, le législateur veut favoriser l'intégration sociétale et politique des citoyens non luxembourgeois et renforcer la cohésion au sein de la communauté nationale. Les principaux changements introduits par la loi consistent en la réduction de la durée de résidence pour la naturalisation (de 7 à 5 ans), l'introduction du droit du sol de la première génération, la réinstauration de voies simplifiées d'acquisition de la nationalité luxembourgeoise par « option », ainsi que de nouveaux scénarios pour éviter les cas d'apatridie. La loi maintient les exigences linguistiques antérieures tout en procédant à quelques ajustements afin d'empêcher que les exigences linguistiques ne deviennent un obstacle insurmontable. En vue des élections communales du 8 octobre 2017, le ministère de la Famille, de l'Intégration et à la Grande Région a lancé une campagne d'information et de sensibilisation intitulée « Je peux voter » en janvier 2017. Cette campagne avait pour but d'inciter la population étrangère du Luxembourg à s'inscrire sur les listes électorales pour les élections communales. L'intention du Gouvernement de légiférer sur la dissimulation du visage était sans doute l'un des sujets les plus débattus dans le domaine lié à la vie au sein de la société au Luxembourg et l'intégration au sens large du terme, tant à la Chambre des députés que dans les médias et la sphère publique. Le projet de loi n° 7179 vise à modifier l'article 563 du Code pénal et à créer l'interdiction de dissimuler le visage dans certains espaces publics. Il définit la dissimulation du visage comme le fait de couvrir une partie ou la totalité du visage de façon à rendre l'identification de la personne impossible. Des vues opposées entre les parties prenantes – les partis politiques, les institutions publiques, la société civile ou les médias – se sont exprimées au sujet de la nécessité de légiférer en la matière et dans l'affirmative, sur les motifs et l'étendue de l'interdiction de la dissimulation du visage. Le phénomène des migrations a eu aussi comme conséquence de renforcer l'hétérogénéité de la population scolaire. Pour faire face à cette situation, les autorités scolaires ont continué à diversifier l'offre en matière d'éducation et de formation. Parmi les mesures mises en place, on peut signaler notamment l'élargissement des offres de cours d'alphabétisation et de formation de base, l'extension de l'offre au niveau des écoles internationales et européennes et la mise en place d'un programme d'éducation plurilingue au niveau de la petite enfance. Dans le domaine de l'immigration, les changements les plus importants concernent la politique d'admission de certaines catégories de ressortissants de pays tiers. À cet égard, le projet de loi n° 7188 vise principalement à transposer la Directive européenne 2016/801 du Parlement européen et du Conseil du 11 mai 2016 sur les conditions d'entrée et de séjour des ressortissants de pays tiers à des fins de recherche, d'études, de formation, de volontariat, de programmes d'échanges d'élèves ou de projets éducatifs et de travail au pair. La directive vise à faire de l'Union européenne un centre mondial d'excellence en matière d'études et de formation, tout en favorisant les contacts entre les personnes et leur mobilité, deux éléments importants de la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne. Le projet de loi vise à faciliter et à simplifier les procédures de mobilité intraeuropéenne des chercheurs et des étudiants qui sont des ressortissants de pays tiers. De plus, certaines modifications comprennent des mécanismes incitatifs pour retenir les étudiants et les chercheurs. À cette fin, il propose que les étudiants et les chercheurs, une fois leurs études ou recherches terminées, puissent se voir délivrer un titre de séjour pour « raisons privées » pour une durée maximum de 9 mois en vue de trouver un emploi ou de créer une entreprise. Enfin, le projet de loi entend réglementer le regroupement familial d'un chercheur séjournant au Luxembourg dans le cadre d'une mobilité à court et à long terme. Le législateur a par ailleurs transposé la Directive 2014/36 sur les travailleurs saisonniers et la Directive 2014/66 sur le transfert temporaire intragroupe en droit national, et a adapté le dispositif de l'immigration aux besoins de l'économie en introduisant entre autres, une autorisation de séjour pour les investisseurs. L'organisation de l'admission du séjour et de la délivrance des autorisations de séjour était également un élément clé de l'Accord entre le Luxembourg et le Cap-Vert relatif à la gestion concertée des flux migratoires et au développement solidaire. L'accord approuvé par la loi du 20 juillet 2017 poursuit en outre les objectifs suivant : promouvoir la mobilité des personnes, lutter contre l'immigration irrégulière, préciser les procédures de réadmission, renforcer l'intégration légale des ressortissants concernés, ainsi que mobiliser les compétences et les ressources des migrants en faveur d'un développement solidaire.

The present report provides an overview of the main developments and debates in relation to migration and asylum in Luxembourg in 2017. The number of people applying for international protection remained high in 2017 (2.322 applications) compared to the levels registered pre- 'migration crisis' (1.091 in 2014). However, the number of registrations remained relatively stable if compared to the two preceding years (2.447 in 2015 and 2.035 in 2016). This relative stability in numbers also reflected on the general public and policy debate in the field of migration and asylum. Since 2016, its focus has continuously shifted from an 'emergency' discourse axed on the implementation of reception measures and conditions towards discussions on longer-term integration measures and policies. In this regard, the newly introduced Guided Integration Trail (parcours d'intégration accompagné - PIA) can be considered a flagship project of OLAI, the national agency responsible for the reception and integration of foreigners. This multidisciplinary package of measures aims to empower applicants and beneficiaries of international protection and to support them in developing their life project. The trail, compulsory for all adult applicants for international protection, consists of a linguistic component and a civic component and is split into three phases. Although increasing housing capacities for the reception of applicants for international protection was high on national authorities' agenda, housing remained a challenging aspect of the asylum system and triggered debate on a national scale. Alongside access to training, problems related to housing were among the issues most frequently raised by applicants for international protection in 2017. The lack of affordable housing on the private market, an increasing number of family reunifications as well as the increasing number of beneficiaries and persons who have been issued a return decision who remain housed in structures of OLAI were all identified as interplaying barriers for finding available accommodation for applicants for international protection. The difficulties with the construction of modular housing structures also persisted in 2017. A certain reticence of the population towards the construction of these so-called 'container villages, planned in response to the increasing influx that started in August 2015, was visible in the appeals introduced into Luxembourg's First Instance Administrative Courts to annul the land-use plans related to the projects. Living conditions in the various reception facilities were also one of the subjects of discussion in 2017. This included a debate on the (lack of) kitchen infrastructure in reception facilities and the varying systems for provision of food, the types of food available, as well as the availability of internet. As an answer to the resurgence of an increased influx of applicants of international protection from the Western Balkans in early 2017, a new 'ultra-accelerated procedure' was put in place for applicants of international protection stemming from the Western Balkans. According to the state authorities, the ultra-accelerated procedure was set up to take pressure off the reception facilities, but also as a deterrent to avoid creating false hopes for long-term stay. In April 2017, a 'semi-open return structure' (Structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg – SHUK) was put in place, from which people are transferred to states applying the Dublin regulation. Due to home custody (assignation à résidence), the SHUK is considered to be an alternative to detention by national authorities. The newly created structure as well as the related conditions for assignment, were nevertheless criticised by civil society. The outcry among civil society was equally high during and after the adoption the Law of 8 March 2017, which endorses the extension of the permitted period of detention of adults or families with children from 72 hours to 7 days, in order to improve the organisation of the return and ensures that it is carried out successfully. A commission in charge of determining the best interests of unaccompanied minors applying for international protection was decided at the end of 2017. The commission is in charge of carrying out individual assessments regarding the best interest of the child with the aim of delivering an authorisation of stay or a return decision. Among the elements taken into consideration when the best interest of the child is evaluated in the context of a potential return decision is information provided by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The latter made an agreement with the Directorate of Immigration in 2017 to search for the parents of UAMs in the country of origin. With the focus of debates having slowly shifted towards long-term integration issues, the Council of Government also approved the elaboration of a new multiannual national action plan on integration. The plan will be based on two axes: (1) the reception and follow-up of applicants for international protection and (2) the integration of Luxembourg's non-Luxembourgish residents. Luxembourg's National Employment Agency (ADEM) set up a "cellule BPI" (beneficiaries of international protection cell) in its Employer Service in early 2017. This cell provides employers with information regarding job applications and evaluations of the competences of beneficiaries of international protection. A new law on the Luxembourgish nationality entered into force on 1 April 2017. Given the particular demographic situation of Luxembourg characterised by a significant increase in the total population and a decrease in the proportion of Luxembourgers in the total population, the reform intends to promote the societal and political integration of non-Luxembourgish citizens and to strengthen cohesion within the national community. The main changes introduced by the law include a decreased length of residence requirement for naturalisation (from 7 to 5 years), the right of birthplace (jus soli) of the first generation, a simplified way of acquiring Luxembourgish nationality by 'option', as well as new scenarios to avoid cases of statelessness. The law maintains previous linguistic requirements but makes some adjustments in order to prevent the language condition from becoming an insurmountable obstacle. Ahead of the local elections held on 8 October 2017, the Ministry of Family, Integration and the Greater Region launched a national information and awareness-raising campaign titled "Je peux voter" (I can vote) in January 2017. This campaign aimed to motivate Luxembourg's foreign population to register on the electoral roll for the local elections. The government's intention to legislate face concealment was arguably one of the most debated topics in the field related to community life and integration in the broader sense, both in parliament as well as in the media and public sphere. Bill n°7179 aims to modify article 563 of the Penal Code and to create the prohibition of face concealment in certain public spaces. The bill defines face concealment as the action of covering part of or all of the face in a way of rendering the identification of the person impossible and provides a wide variety of examples, such as the wearing of a motor cycle helmet, a balaclava or a full-face veil. Opposing views among stakeholders, whether political parties, public institutions, civil society or the media, emerged with regard to the necessity to legislate in the matter and if so, on the basis of which grounds and to what extent. The phenomenon of migration has also led to a more heterogeneous population in Luxembourg's schools. To face this situation, the education authorities continued to diversify Luxembourg's offer in education and training, creating for instance a bigger offer for youngsters and adults who do not master any of Luxembourg's vehicular languages, offering more alphabetisation courses or basic instruction courses. The Minister for National Education continued to develop and adapt the school offer to the increased heterogeneity by increasing the international and European school offer, introducing of a new mediation service and putting in place a plurilingual education programme. In the area of legal migration, the most significant changes concerned admission policies of specific categories of third-country nationals. In this respect, bill n°7188 mainly aims to transpose Directive (EU) 2016/801 of the European Parliament and the Council of 11 May 2016 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of research, studies, training, voluntary service, pupil exchange schemes or educational projects and au pairing. The directive aims to make the European Union a world centre of excellence for studies and training, while favouring contacts between people and favouring their mobility, these two being important elements of the European Union's external policy. Bill N°7188 intends to facilitate and simplify the procedures for intra-European mobility of TCN researchers and students. Moreover, the proposed changes include incentive mechanisms to retain students and researchers. To this end, it proposes that students and researchers, once they have completed their studies/research, can be issued a residence permit for "private reasons" for a duration of 9 months at most in view of finding employment or creating a business. Finally, bill n°7188 also foresees provisions to regulate the family reunification of a researcher staying in Luxembourg in the context of short- and long-term mobility with his/her nuclear family. The legislator furthermore transposed Directive 2014/36 on seasonal workers and Directive 2014/66 on temporary intragroup transfer into national law, and adapted Luxembourg's immigration law to the needs to the economy, by introducing, amongst other things, and authorisation of stay for investors. Organising the admission of stay and the issuance of authorisations of stay was also a key component within the agreement between Luxembourg and Cape Verde on the concerted management of migratory flows and solidary development. Other objectives of the agreement include the promotion of the movement of people, detailing readmission procedures, fighting against irregular migration, strengthening the legal establishment and integration of the concerned nationals, as well as the mobilisation of skills and resources of migrants in favour of solidary development. ; Le présent rapport fait la synthèse des principaux débats et des évolutions majeures concernant les migrations et l'asile au Luxembourg en 2017. Le nombre de personnes demandant une protection internationale est resté élevé en 2017 (2 322 demandes) par rapport aux niveaux enregistrés avant la « crise migratoire » (1 091 en 2014). Toutefois, ce nombre est resté relativement stable par rapport aux deux années précédentes (2 447 en 2015 et 2 035 en 2016). Cette stabilité relative s'est également reflétée dans le débat public et politique dans le domaine des migrations et de l'asile. Depuis 2016, l'accent n'a cessé de se déplacer d'un discours « d'urgence » axé sur la mise en œuvre de mesures et de conditions d'accueil vers des discussions sur des mesures et des politiques d'intégration à plus long terme. À cet égard, le nouveau parcours d'intégration accompagné (PIA) peut être considéré comme un projet phare de l'OLAI, l'Office luxembourgeois de l'accueil et de l'intégration des étrangers. Le PIA vise à autonomiser les demandeurs et les bénéficiaires d'une protection internationale et à les soutenir dans le développement de leur projet de vie. Le parcours, obligatoire pour tous les demandeurs adultes de protection internationale, se compose d'une composante linguistique et d'une composante civique, et il est divisé en trois phases. Bien que l'augmentation des capacités d'hébergement des demandeurs de protection internationale (DPI) figure parmi les priorités des autorités nationales, le logement des DPI reste très problématique et a déclenché un débat à l'échelle nationale. Outre l'accès à la formation, les problèmes liés au logement des DPI ont été parmi les questions les plus fréquemment soulevées en 2017. La pression sur le logement des DPI et des bénéficiaires de protection internationale (BPI) est importante : le manque de logements abordables sur le marché privé, le nombre croissant de réunifications familiales et la progression du nombre de BPI et de personnes qui ont fait l'objet d'une décision de retour mais qui restent hébergées dans les structures de l'OLAI ont été identifiés comme facteurs de pression. Les difficultés liées à la construction de structures modulaires d'hébergement ont également persisté en 2017. Une certaine réticence de la population à l'égard de la construction de ces « villages conteneurs », prévue en réponse à l'afflux croissant qui a commencé en août 2015, était visible dans les recours introduits devant les tribunaux administratifs pour annuler les plans d'occupation des sols liés aux projets. Les conditions de vie au sein des structures d'accueil ont également fait l'objet de discussions. Elles portaient notamment sur l'absence d'équipement en cuisines de plusieurs lieux d'accueil, les différents systèmes d'approvisionnement en nourriture et les types de nourriture disponibles. Afin de répondre au nombre toujours important de DPI en provenance des pays des Balkans occidentaux, une procédure ultra-accélérée a été mise en place. Cette procédure a été instaurée pour diminuer les pressions sur les structures d'accueil et pour éviter de créer de faux espoirs pour les séjours de longue durée. En avril 2017, la structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg (SHUK) a été mise en place, afin d'héberger les DPI pour lesquels le Luxembourg n'est pas compétent pour examiner les demandes en vertu de l'application du règlement de Dublin. Ce nombre a fortement progressé. Le placement à la SHUK correspond à une assignation à résidence, donc à une alternative à la rétention. La structure nouvellement créée ainsi que les conditions d'affectation ont néanmoins été critiquées par la société civile. Plusieurs acteurs de la société civile ont manifesté leur opposition face à une disposition de la loi du 8 mars 2017 qui a étendu la période de rétention des adultes ou familles avec enfants de 72 heures à 7 jours afin de rendre plus efficiente l'organisation du retour. Un premier bilan du fonctionnement du Centre de rétention a été publié en 2017. Une commission chargée d'évaluer l'intérêt des mineurs non accompagnés dans le cadre d'une décision de retour a été créé fin 2017. La commission est chargée de mener à bien des évaluations individuelles concernant l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant dans le but de prendre une décision de retour ou d'accorder une autorisation de séjour. Parmi les éléments pris en considération lors de cette évaluation et dans le contexte d'une éventuelle décision de retour figurent également les informations fournies par l'Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Cette dernière a conclu un accord avec la Direction de l'immigration pour rechercher les parents de mineurs non accompagnés dans le pays d'origine. Comme les débats s'orientent lentement vers l'intégration à long terme, le Conseil de gouvernement a également approuvé l'élaboration d'un nouveau plan d'action national sur l'intégration. Le plan sera basé sur deux axes : l'accueil et le suivi des demandeurs de protection internationale et l'intégration des résidents non luxembourgeois au Luxembourg. L'Agence pour le Développement de l'Emploi (ADEM) a créé une cellule BPI au sein de son Service employeurs. Cette cellule fournit aux employeurs des renseignements sur les demandes d'emploi et les évaluations des compétences des BPI. Une nouvelle loi sur la nationalité luxembourgeoise est entrée en vigueur le 1er avril 2017. Cette loi s'inscrit dans le contexte démographique particulier du Luxembourg, caractérisé par une augmentation continue de la population totale avec, en parallèle, une diminution de la part des Luxembourgeois dans la population totale. A travers cette loi, le législateur veut favoriser l'intégration sociétale et politique des citoyens non luxembourgeois et renforcer la cohésion au sein de la communauté nationale. Les principaux changements introduits par la loi consistent en la réduction de la durée de résidence pour la naturalisation (de 7 à 5 ans), l'introduction du droit du sol de la première génération, la réinstauration de voies simplifiées d'acquisition de la nationalité luxembourgeoise par « option », ainsi que de nouveaux scénarios pour éviter les cas d'apatridie. La loi maintient les exigences linguistiques antérieures tout en procédant à quelques ajustements afin d'empêcher que les exigences linguistiques ne deviennent un obstacle insurmontable. En vue des élections communales du 8 octobre 2017, le ministère de la Famille, de l'Intégration et à la Grande Région a lancé une campagne d'information et de sensibilisation intitulée « Je peux voter » en janvier 2017. Cette campagne avait pour but d'inciter la population étrangère du Luxembourg à s'inscrire sur les listes électorales pour les élections communales. L'intention du Gouvernement de légiférer sur la dissimulation du visage était sans doute l'un des sujets les plus débattus dans le domaine lié à la vie au sein de la société au Luxembourg et l'intégration au sens large du terme, tant à la Chambre des députés que dans les médias et la sphère publique. Le projet de loi n° 7179 vise à modifier l'article 563 du Code pénal et à créer l'interdiction de dissimuler le visage dans certains espaces publics. Il définit la dissimulation du visage comme le fait de couvrir une partie ou la totalité du visage de façon à rendre l'identification de la personne impossible. Des vues opposées entre les parties prenantes – les partis politiques, les institutions publiques, la société civile ou les médias – se sont exprimées au sujet de la nécessité de légiférer en la matière et dans l'affirmative, sur les motifs et l'étendue de l'interdiction de la dissimulation du visage. Le phénomène des migrations a eu aussi comme conséquence de renforcer l'hétérogénéité de la population scolaire. Pour faire face à cette situation, les autorités scolaires ont continué à diversifier l'offre en matière d'éducation et de formation. Parmi les mesures mises en place, on peut signaler notamment l'élargissement des offres de cours d'alphabétisation et de formation de base, l'extension de l'offre au niveau des écoles internationales et européennes et la mise en place d'un programme d'éducation plurilingue au niveau de la petite enfance. Dans le domaine de l'immigration, les changements les plus importants concernent la politique d'admission de certaines catégories de ressortissants de pays tiers. À cet égard, le projet de loi n° 7188 vise principalement à transposer la Directive européenne 2016/801 du Parlement européen et du Conseil du 11 mai 2016 sur les conditions d'entrée et de séjour des ressortissants de pays tiers à des fins de recherche, d'études, de formation, de volontariat, de programmes d'échanges d'élèves ou de projets éducatifs et de travail au pair. La directive vise à faire de l'Union européenne un centre mondial d'excellence en matière d'études et de formation, tout en favorisant les contacts entre les personnes et leur mobilité, deux éléments importants de la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne. Le projet de loi vise à faciliter et à simplifier les procédures de mobilité intraeuropéenne des chercheurs et des étudiants qui sont des ressortissants de pays tiers. De plus, certaines modifications comprennent des mécanismes incitatifs pour retenir les étudiants et les chercheurs. À cette fin, il propose que les étudiants et les chercheurs, une fois leurs études ou recherches terminées, puissent se voir délivrer un titre de séjour pour « raisons privées » pour une durée maximum de 9 mois en vue de trouver un emploi ou de créer une entreprise. Enfin, le projet de loi entend réglementer le regroupement familial d'un chercheur séjournant au Luxembourg dans le cadre d'une mobilité à court et à long terme. Le législateur a par ailleurs transposé la Directive 2014/36 sur les travailleurs saisonniers et la Directive 2014/66 sur le transfert temporaire intragroupe en droit national, et a adapté le dispositif de l'immigration aux besoins de l'économie en introduisant entre autres, une autorisation de séjour pour les investisseurs. L'organisation de l'admission du séjour et de la délivrance des autorisations de séjour était également un élément clé de l'Accord entre le Luxembourg et le Cap-Vert relatif à la gestion concertée des flux migratoires et au développement solidaire. L'accord approuvé par la loi du 20 juillet 2017 poursuit en outre les objectifs suivant : promouvoir la mobilité des personnes, lutter contre l'immigration irrégulière, préciser les procédures de réadmission, renforcer l'intégration légale des ressortissants concernés, ainsi que mobiliser les compétences et les ressources des migrants en faveur d'un développement solidaire.