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Migration can be defined as a process whereby people move from one place to another, either for a certain period of time or forever. Europe was built on migrations and its peoples have helped populate other continents. The European Union (EU) is an international organization sui generis which has a new form of migration – intra organizational migration. If the EU decides to close its doors to further immigration from outside the EU (or to end the process of enlargement), its economic development will be at risk. Its aging population will not be able to compete in the global market as successfully as now. Shrinking numbers of workers and employees will not be able to produce the resources needed to bear the burden of the pensions of those retired or for the repayment of the sovereign debts of various EU nations. The financial crisis will continue, leading to emigration from Europe to other parts of the world. If, on the other hand, the EU decides to open its gates to greater immigration, especially from the developing nations, it would be helping not just the immigrants themselves but also its own people. States and international organizations exist to provide services for their people, increasing their standards of living within international solidarity. This paper shows that a reduction of natural population growth will affect the EU and the world, that the candidate countries (Turkey excluded) are in a population crisis greater than that of the EU, and that global solutions for peace and prosperity should be leading ideas in creating future migrations policies. Europe will need a larger population, from its candidate countries and beyond, in order to maintain its position in the world. Further academic research as well as consultations among EU and nonEU nations on migration will provide the main avenue to a better world

This paper evaluates multidimensional poverty in European countries introducing two main novelties compared with the previous literature: first, the dimensions of poverty are selected on the basis of the shared values included in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union; second, the whole space of feasible weights is used to summarise the multidimensional information, in order to remain agnostic about the importance given to the different deprivations. Using data from four waves of EU-SILC, the methodological innovations introduced here have allowed to produce a family of measures that capture the individual probability of being multidimensionally poor. Individual probabilities are then used to analyse the within and between distribution of multidimensional poverty in ten countries. Finally, they get combined with the generalised Lorenz dominance techniques in order to derive socially preferred distributions with the minimum load of value judgments. The novel methods proposed in this analysis allow to move from a dual definition of poverty, where poor and non-poor individuals are classified in a mutually exclusive context, to a continuous measure of deprivation, which allows to capture both the extensive and intensive margin of multidimensional poverty.

AbstractWho blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilevel governance systems and assess it empirically. In line with the first strand, we assume that policymakers have a preference for shifting blame onto actors on a different level from themselves. In line with the second, we suppose that opportunities for doing so depend on institutional responsibility for policymaking and policy implementation. We check the plausibility of our integrated model by examining policymakers' blame attributions in three cases where European Union migration policies have been contested: border control, asylum, and welfare entitlements. We find that our integrated model does better in explaining blame‐shifting in these cases than the isolated models.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

The authors present an authoritative account of the background to the elections, the preparations by the political parties, the unfolding campaign and the results, as well as of their short-term effects and their long-term implications. The fact that 1999 saw the first nation-wide contest involving proportional representation presented a special challenge to participants and observers alike

This paper aimed at evaluating the level of sustainability in agriculture in 28 member states of the European Union. The surveys were carried out based on a synthetic technique for order preference by similarity to an ideal solution (TOPSIS)-based measure. This method synthesizes factors of various nature and assigns them a synthetic aggregate measure. The analysis made it possible to develop a ranking of EU member states according to a differentiated level of measures and assign them to one of four groups characterized by different levels of sustainability in agriculture. The group of member states representing the highest level of sustainability in agriculture included two countries from Central and Eastern Europe, i.e., Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The group of countries with a greater than average level of sustainability comprised 14 member states of the European Union, including seven countries admitted to the community after 2004. The group with a low level of sustainability consisted of eight EU member states, six of them from the group of old EU member states, i.e., Ireland, Portugal, Greece, Italy, Denmark and the United Kingdom, and two new members, i.e., Romania and Slovenia. On the other hand, the lowest level of sustainability was characteristic of two &ldquo ; old EU&rdquo ; member states, i.e., The Netherlands and Belgium, and two &ldquo ; new EU&rdquo ; member states, i.e., Cyprus and Malta. The differentiated synthetic measure values showed disparities in the level of sustainability in agriculture among the member states of the European Union. They are a result of the varied level of development of this sector, production intensity and the resulting environmental impact.

This paper informs about latest statistical data of passenger traffic and freighthandling in ports of European Union, covering the transport of goods between EUports. It also presents maritime transport flows with individual results to mainEuropean ports. Information is based on data collected within the frame of the EUmaritime transport statistics Directive. The content refers to the 23 of total maritimeMember States.

This paper covers citizenship by investment (CBI) schemes in the European Union (EU) context which allow to acquire nationality of the EU member state through targeted investments. We were verifying whether the negative attitude of the EU towards the CBI schemes of member states and the ongoing war in Ukraine threaten their very existence. In order to achieve the objective, we analysed the rules on the acquisition of citizenship by naturalization as well as the relationship between nationality of the EU member states, which is still their exclusive competence and the EU citizenship status. Subsequently, we compared CBI schemes of three EU member states (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta). The results show that the EU has put pressure on member states to cancel their CBI programs because of the complex relationship between the national citizenship on the one hand and the EU citizenship and related rights enforceable across the whole EU on the other hand. This EU pressure has been further intensified following the war in Ukraine. The reason is that Russian nationals made up a significant number of CBI applicants and also because some Russian or Belarusian nationals who are supporting the war in Ukraine might have acquired EU citizenship under CBI schemes. Of the three countries we analysed, only Malta currently has a valid CBI program. Bulgaria and Cyprus abolished their CBI programs. This development indicates that the EU has gradually succeeded in eliminating the existence of CBI in the EU member states. However, it is not yet clear whether this practice of member states is contrary to the EU law. We assume that the Court of Justice of the EU will resolve this question in the ongoing infringement procedure initiated by the European Commission against Malta.