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The 1st International Symposiumon Ostracoda (ISO) was held in Naples (1963). The philosophy behind this symposiumand the logical outcome of what is nowknown as the International Research Group on Ostracoda (IRGO) are here reviewed, namely ostracodology over the last 50 years is sociologically analysed. Three different and important historic moments for the scientific achievements of this domain are recognised. The first one, between about 1963 and 1983, is related to applied research for the oil industry aswell as to the great interest in the better description of the marine environment by both zoologists and palaeontologists. Another important aspect during this period was thework by researchers dealing with Palaeozoic ostracods,who had their own discussion group, IRGPO. Gradually, the merger of this latter group with those dealing with post-Palaeozoic ostracods at various meetings improved the communication between the two groups of specialists. A second period was approximately delineated between 1983 and 2003. During this time-slice, more emphasis was addressed to environmental research with topics such as the study of global events and long-term climate change. Ostracodologists profited also from the research "politics" within national and international programmes. Large international research teams emerged using new research methods. During the third period (2003-2013), communication and collaborative research reached a global dimension. Amongst the topics of research we cite the reconstruction of palaeoclimate using transfer functions, the building of large datasets of ostracod distributions for regional and intercontinental studies, and the implementation of actions that should lead to taxonomic harmonisation. Projects within which molecular biological techniques are routinely used, combined with sophisticated morphological information, expanded now in their importance. The documentation of the ostracod description improved through new techniques to visualise morphological details, which stimulated also communication between ostracodologists. Efforts of making available ostracod information through newsletters and electronic media are evoked.

The 1st International Symposiumon Ostracoda (ISO) was held in Naples (1963). The philosophy behind this symposiumand the logical outcome of what is nowknown as the International Research Group on Ostracoda (IRGO) are here reviewed, namely ostracodology over the last 50 years is sociologically analysed. Three different and important historic moments for the scientific achievements of this domain are recognised. The first one, between about 1963 and 1983, is related to applied research for the oil industry aswell as to the great interest in the better description of the marine environment by both zoologists and palaeontologists. Another important aspect during this period was thework by researchers dealing with Palaeozoic ostracods,who had their own discussion group, IRGPO. Gradually, the merger of this latter group with those dealing with post-Palaeozoic ostracods at various meetings improved the communication between the two groups of specialists. A second period was approximately delineated between 1983 and 2003. During this time-slice, more emphasis was addressed to environmental research with topics such as the study of global events and long-term climate change. Ostracodologists profited also from the research "politics" within national and international programmes. Large international research teams emerged using new research methods. During the third period (2003-2013), communication and collaborative research reached a global dimension. Amongst the topics of research we cite the reconstruction of palaeoclimate using transfer functions, the building of large datasets of ostracod distributions for regional and intercontinental studies, and the implementation of actions that should lead to taxonomic harmonisation. Projects within which molecular biological techniques are routinely used, combined with sophisticated morphological information, expanded now in their importance. The documentation of the ostracod description improved through new techniques to visualise morphological details, which stimulated also communication between ostracodologists. Efforts of making available ostracod information through newsletters and electronic media are evoked.

The standard of civilisation is most often identified as the infamous legal doctrine that legitimised imperialist rule and the exclusion of non-European non-Christian states from the international society. In disciplinary narratives of both International Relations and International Law this colonial project is usually presented as a mere interlude on the way to a mature and inclusive international society based sovereign equality as its organising principle. In line with more critical historiography, which shows how colonialism is the condition of possibility for both sovereignty and international law, this article investigates how a standard of civilisation is inherent in political legal practices of international ordering. Moreover, while usually presented as a practice of exclusion, this article will analyse the more intricate dynamic of inclusion and exclusion as a basis for international order by addressing the legal politics of subjecthood (as objects and subjects of the imagined global regime). More specifically, it will address how law operates as a technology through the interplay between a standard of civilisation, the principle of equality and legal subjectivity. The article will look into legal practices of different historical periods (in the age of discovery, during the colonial expansion, and in modern international society) to analyse the workings and transformations of these legal technologies. Together this will show how an (implicit) standard of civilisation is entrenched in the operation of law as a technology of international order. This does not stop with the universalisation of sovereign equality as the organising principle of an inclusive or 'global' international society. This article will argue that this reveals the productive power of law which functions not just as a juridical rule to regulate relations between independent and equal sovereign subjects, but operates as the norm to produce appropriate sovereigns as members of the international society.

Wilderness is crucial for global conservation. Contemporary research established that between 33% and 52% of the Earth qualifies as wilderness. It is a fragile, threatened resource which needs a global conservation framework. This role could be successfully fulfilled by the World Heritage Convention. The founding notion of the World Heritage idea – Outstanding Universal Value – bears a striking resemblance to the attributes and characteristics of wilderness. The two notions possess an indisputable cultural and historic affinity, embodied by their "iconic" dimension. This makes the synergy between wilderness and World Heritage extraordinarily effective, as the history of the Tasmanian Wilderness World Heritage Area demonstrates. The Franklin Dam dispute, solved after the World Heritage nomination of the Tasmanian wilderness, is emblematic in this respect. It gave birth to the world"s only protected area which includes close to 100% of the local wilderness resource, and which coincides entirely with World Heritage status. The classic wilderness character of the region matched and enhanced the iconic power of the World Heritage, and the outcome represented a watershed for Australia"s wilderness politics. Locally, it also paved the way for the establishment of a thriving ecotourism industry, providing the core of Tasmania"s "green" brand. Its lesson is still invoked in unresolved wilderness conflicts throughout the country, and could be applied to other similar international contexts, as a model of proactive wilderness reservation through World Heritage nomination and of economic development based on wilderness tourism. On the other hand, despite the cultural affinity wilderness was never chosen as a criterion for World Heritage identification, and therefore the Convention cannot coherently fulfill this role of wilderness protection framework before solving this paradox. The unresolved dispute over Tasmania"s wilderness forests indicates that the lack of an official endorsement of wilderness as a World Heritage ...

The paper analyses the new architecture of global governance which is characterised by unaccountable international institutions and scattered sovereignties. It examines the dilemmas of civil society actors (social movements and NGOs) involved in protecting the rights of local communities through strategic issue-based alliances with the state or the World Bank, whose legitimacy they question in other contexts. The cunning state remains a central actor in selectively transposing neo-liberal policies to the national terrain and capitalises on its perceived weakness in order to render itself unaccountable to its citizens. The argument draws on empirical material from India around conflicts over the patenting of genetic resources, biodiversity conservation, forced displacement and privatisation of common property resources. It cautions against attributing homogeneity to the state whose logic of action may differ at the federal and regional level; it delineates the shifting contours of the boundary between the public and the private as well as the growing entanglement between civil society and state; and it unpacks civil society to show that there is little in common between advocacy networks involved in a politics of contention and powerful NGOs rendering expert advice to states and international institutions. ; Dieser Aufsatz untersucht die neue Architektur des "globalen Governance", die durch nicht-rechenschaftspflichtige internationale Institutionen und geteilte Souveränität gekennzeichnet ist. Er analysiert die Dilemmata zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure (soziale Bewegungen, NROs), die kurzfristige strategische Bündnisse mit dem Staat oder der Weltbank eingehen, um die Rechte lokaler Gemeinschaften schützen zu können. Der "listige Staat" ist zugleich Opfer wie Gestalter neoliberale Prozessen und versucht Kapital aus seiner vermeintlichen Schwäche zu schlagen, um sich der Verantwortung gegenüber den eigenen Bürgern zu entziehen. Die Thesen des Aufsatzes stützen sich auf empirisches Material aus Indien zur Patentierung genetischer Ressourcen, dem Schutz der Biodiversität, der Zwangsumsiedlung, und der Privatisierung allgemein zugänglicher natürlicher Ressourcen. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Staat nicht als homogener Akteur gesehen werden darf, da sich die Logik staatlichen Handelns auf der föderalen und der regionalen Ebenen unterscheidet. Indem die Politik der basisnahen Netzwerke, die gegen den Staat mobilisieren, von den einflussreichen NROs, die den Staat und internationale Institutionen als Experte beraten, differenziert wird, lässt sich einerseits die sich verändernde Grenzziehung zwischen Öffentlichem und Privatem thematisieren, andererseits können die zunehmenden Verflechtungen zwischen Zivilgesellschaft und Staat erörtert werden.

The article develops models and methods for calculating quantitative indicators of the response of the national state and society to the hazard of spreading COVID-19 coronavirus infection in different countries. There are used the concepts, models and methods in reliability theory to describe the development of the epidemiological situation with probability functions (possibilities) of no-failure operations (survival, health protection), probability density (distribution) of the failure (infection rates), integrated hazard of infection, failure rate (risk to take ill), acceptable risk, and manageability of the epidemic situation. Government control is carried out through pressure on the acceptable risk. Based on the results of statistical processing of data on the number of confirmed cases of the disease in different countries, a comparative analysis of the epidemic process in different national circumstances of the fight against the world pandemic was conducted. The reliability functions are based on a double interpretation of the equation of changes in the hazard measure over time and on the factors of development of the epidemic process, in particular, the age structure of the population is taken into account. The mathematical and statistical analyses are based on the exponential hazard equation, which is represented in a semi-logarithmic scale by a linear dependence on time. Nonlinear distortions are due to variations in the controlled value of acceptable risk and show national features of regulating the epidemic load on the population. The results obtained confirm the model's efficiency in clear terms of reliability theory and determine the direction of its improvement in the context of an ongoing global pandemic on the basis of newly emerging data and circumstances for a better understanding of the features of current processes across countries and continents.

The system analysis is the necessary activity in designing information systems (IS), especially in creating complex IS which have to satisfy a wide pallet of users' demands. Installing the IS without expert's planning and leading can lead to the huge users' dissatisfaction, and maybe non - usage of system which often the consequent system do not work. This is especially emphasized when we talk about update procedures. In this paper is made a system analysis and design of IS for local economic development (LED). The problem of LED itself is very important because of the decentralization process that happens in R.of Macedonia in recent year as well as the global crises and the necessity of employment increasing. As an important factor we mention a need of increasing the usage of IS, especially when is concern of the issues that help for the young people's position. Analysis of the need of IS for LED's support is made on the couple of present local governments' (LG) web sites in R.of Macedonia as well as the interviews and a questionnaire of the LER's responsible in the LG and potential users of this kind of information. The results of this survey are decanting in analysis of the information needs as well as the LED's support System's proposition. We are using the structural analysis and logical design of IS as the working' methodology. For this purpose, a series of systematic undertaken processes were used. These processes, we think, that will enhance the information and usage of computer's IS in function of business climate and business community's better information. The proposed model for LED's support IS which have to cover the users' demands will be made with creating a redundant databases, loaded whit trigger procedures and intelligent agents.

Mercury (Hg) is a naturally occurring element that is found throughout the world. Due to the toxicity of its methylated forms (MeHg) to wildlife and human health, Hg is considered a metal of major environmental concern. According to numerous health and governmental organizations, billions of people are currently at risk of high exposure to poisoning by Hg due to a diet rich in fish (high content of MeHg) or by exposure to Hg emitted from artisanal and small-scale gold mining, mainly in low- and middle-income countries. Several industrial processes such as fuel combustion, cement production, metal smelting, large-scale gold mining with non-Hg methods as well as commercial Hg mining, has been emitted thousands of tons of Hg directly to the atmosphere since 1850. In addition to human related processes, several natural processes emit Hg to the environment, such as volcanic activity (geothermal vents, volcanoes) and emissions from natural enriched soils. Other types of Hg cycling mechanisms such as forest fires or oceanic emissions are considered mixed natural-anthropogenic sources. Primary sources transfer Hg from slow-cycling lithospheric reservoirs to the fast cycling atmospheric, oceanic and the terrestrial environments, thereby increasing the global pool of Hg in surface reservoirs. After deposition, Hg can be reemitted from the surface reservoirs to the atmosphere, therefore constituting a secondary source. Recycling from surface reservoirs results in an effective lifetime of 1.6 years before transfer to soil and deep ocean pools. Due to its volatility as Hg0 and the redox transformations of Hg in the environment, deposition and release are influenced by multiple environmental factors including seasonality, vegetation cover, temperature, light, moisture, atmospheric turbulence and the presence of reactants.

"Moms in Chief: The Rhetoric of Republican Motherhood and the Spouses of Presidential Nominees, 1992-2016, is an insightful examination of the politics and rhetoric of presidential spouses and aspiring presidential spouses. It breaks new ground in exploring the role these unique political actors play in the American political process. Tammy Vigil has written the authoritative study on this subject that scholars in the field will be citing for decades."-Brian Frederick, associate professor and chair of the Department of Political Science at Bridgewater State University and coauthor of American Presidential Candidate Spouses: The Public's Perspective "In this well-researched and timely book, Vigil provides a much-needed critical analysis of the role that candidate spouses play in the strategic messaging of presidential campaigns. In considering the ways in which gender- and sex-based assumptions are made about candidate spouses through the lens of 'republican motherhood,' Vigil reminds us that how we view potential first spouses can also shape public perceptions about the efficacy of women as political actors, both positively and negatively, within the American political system."-Lori Cox Han, professor of political science at Chapman University and coauthor of Women, Power, and Politics: The Fight for Gender Equality in the United States "Presidential candidate spouses play highly visible, strategic, and active roles in modern campaigns, yet few academic studies have explored these important political actors. In Moms in Chief, Tammy Vigil provides a compelling and engaging analysis of the media coverage, partisan portrayals, and most importantly public communications of presidential candidate spouses from Barbara Bush and Hillary Clinton in 1992 through Melania Trump and Bill Clinton in 2016. By employing the lens of republican motherhood, the

This book provides the first cross-regional study of an increasingly important form of politics: coalitional presidentialism. Drawing on original research of minority presidents in the democratising and hybrid regimes of Armenia, Benin, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Kenya, Malawi, Russia, and Ukraine, it seeks to understand how presidents who lack single party legislative majorities build and manage cross-party support in legislative assemblies. It develops a framework for analysing this phenomenon, and blends data from MP surveys, detailed case studies, and wider legislative and political contexts, to analyse systematically the tools that presidents deploy to manage their coalitions. The authors focus on five key legislative, cabinet, partisan, budget, and informal (exchange of favours) tools that are utilised by minority presidents. They contend that these constitute the 'toolbox' for coalition management, and argue that minority presidents will act with imperfect or incomplete information to deploy tools that provide the highest return of political support with the lowest expenditure of political capital. In developing this analysis, the book assembles a set of concepts, definitions, indicators, analytical frameworks, and propositions that establish the main parameters of coalitional presidentialism. In this way, Coalitional Presidentialism in Comparative Perspective provides crucial insights into this mode of governance. Oxford Studies in Democratization is a series for scholars and students of comparative politics and related disciplines. Volumes concentrate on the comparative study of the democratization process that accompanied the decline and termination of the cold war. The geographical focus of the series is primarily Latin America, the Caribbean, Southern and Eastern Europe, and relevant experiences in Africa and Asia

"This book examines the changing dynamics of power in the international arena since the end of the Cold War. Brown engages in analysis of how the United States and the European Union have responded to the so-called rise of China through an examination of how policymakers' perceptions of China have changed over time and influenced their policy choices. This study undertakes rigorous analysis of how these perceptions have evolved between 1989 and 20092016, offering a comparative perspective on the similarities and differences between the policy discourse and behaviour within these two Western powers. Brown argues that 'China's rise' is a contested notion, with varied perceptions of how the implications of China's ascendancy have shaped policy preferences in ways that are inconsistent with concerns over the threat of an impending power-transition. Combining concepts and methods derived from IR and FPA, the book examines the linkages between great power politics and policymakers' competing interpretations of key international actors, and their influence upon foreign policies. The main objective of the study is to illuminate the different ways in which the US and the EU have responded to the rise of China through a close analysis of their decision-making processes and outcomes across a series of key encounters and events, including the transatlantic debate over the Eu's proposal to lift its China arms embargo (2003-2005).Undertaking qualitative analysis of the development of American and European policymakers' perceptions of China, this book will be of interest to graduates and scholars of post-Cold War international politics, Foreign Policy Analysis, policymaking, US-China relations and EU-China relations."--Provided by publisher.

"When popular protests started in Tunisia in late 2010, few anticipated the implications these events would have for the entire Arab region. In the following years, this region witnessed deep changes, increased divisions, and even failing states. Meanwhile, Tunisia managed to assert itself as a new democracy. How did this small country manage its democratic transition within such a short period? And what implications has this had for its foreign policy and its role in international politics? This book assesses Tunisia's transition 'inside and out' from four angles: Tunisian polity and politics which provide the framework for its foreign policy since the 'Arab Spring'; bilateral relations before and after the 'Arab Spring'; Tunisia's activism in international organisations as well as their presence in Tunisia; and transnational issues in Tunisia. Drawing on a broad range of primary sources, including authors' own interview material conducted with politicians and representatives of civil society and international NGOs involved in the transition process, the book shows that since 2011 Tunisia has not only developed fundamentally at the domestic level, but also at the level of external relations. New and old alliances, a broadening of relations, and new activism of civil society and of Tunisia in international organisations certify that Tunisia has the potential to play an increasingly important role regionally as well as internationally. Providing an encompassing picture of Tunisia's changed role and successful transition from an autocracy to a democracy, the book allows students and scholars in the field to understand the 'last country standing' better, a country that both the scientific community and the political scene should not underestimate for the promises it holds. "--Provided by publisher.

"This book analyses the rise and decline of the Basque terrorist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Basque Homeland and Freedom). ETA declared a unilateral ceasefire in November 2011, bringing to a close a campaign of political violence that started in the late 1960s. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, the overwhelming majority of secession supporters agreed that an independent Basque homeland would be realised through 'ballots' and not 'bullets'. Providing an inter-disciplinary overview of radical Basque nationalism that pays special attention to the drivers for ETA's decline, defeat and disbandment, this book includes chapters by historians, political scientists and sociologists who offer three important theoretical and empirical contributions to the literature on nationhood and security studies. Firstly the book re-assesses the military conflict that opposed ETA and the Spanish state, by paying special attention to tactical and strategic considerations as well as the counter-terrorist policy itself. Secondly it provides an original interpretation of the politics of fear which surrounded the process of victimization, as well as assessing the extent to which the issue of violence led to the polarisation of citizens. Thirdly the authors examine the historical narratives and rituals that contributed to the production and reproduction of identity binaries and memories of war. Arguing that the defeat of ETA must be contextualised within the strategic evolution of Basque nationalism, the declining resonance of the radical message and the effectiveness of the Spanish counter-terrorist effort, this book is essential reading for students and scholars working in the areas of European politics, nationalism and terrorism studies"--Provided by publisher

Cover -- Half-title -- Endorsement -- Title page -- Copyright information -- Dedication -- Epilogue -- Table of contents -- List of figures -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- Introduction -- Note -- Part I The beginning -- One The Cambridge mafia -- Two Into politics -- Part 1: The party we joined -- Part 2: The life we led -- Three The Bar -- Part II A political life -- Four Mrs Thatcher -- Part 1: Personal experiences -- Part 2: The fall of the Iron Lady -- A finale -- Five Labour connections, South Wales and beyond -- Six Party comparisons -- Part III An international life -- Seven Revolution in Iran -- Introduction -- The family -- Part 1: How are the mighty fallen -- Istanbul, October 1979 -- Part 2: Revolution is awful -- Eight Russia and the Soviet Union -- Part 1: Mikhail Sergeyevitch Gorbachev -- Part 2: The old and the new -- Nine Parliamentary diplomacy and the Foreign Office -- Introduction -- Southern Africa and the winds of change -- South African independence and the parliamentary seminars -- East Germany and Cuba -- The Foreign Office and parliamentary diplomacy -- Part IV Ireland -- Ten The Peace Process and the parliamentary role -- Background -- The parliamentary role -- Irish ways and personalities -- Differences -- Politics could be sensitive -- Not all difficult -- Mrs Thatcher -- The Inter-Parliamentary Body: Creation, 1990 -- Launch -- Westminster attitudes -- Eleven Political difficulties -- Introduction -- The fundamental problem -- Enter IRA/Sinn Féin -- The British play for time -- The Forum for Peace and Reconciliation -- Enter the Americans -- The messenger -- Adams and McGuinness -- Rejection by the British government -- Violence inevitable -- Enter Tony Blair and a Labour government -- Twelve Tony Blair and the Belfast Agreement -- Part V The anatomy of a defection -- Thirteen Events and disillusion

For most people, grocery shopping is a mundane activity. Few stop to think about the massive, global infrastructure that makes it possible to buy Chilean grapes in a Philadelphia supermarket in the middle of winter. Yet every piece of food represents an interlocking system of agriculture, manufacturing, shipping, logistics, retailing, and nonprofits that controls what we eat--or don't. The Problem with Feeding Cities is a sociological and historical examination of how this remarkable network of abundance and convenience came into being over the last century. It looks at how the US food system transformed from feeding communities to feeding the entire nation, and it reveals how a process that was once about fulfilling basic needs became focused on satisfying profit margins. It is also a story of how this system fails to feed people, especially in the creation of food deserts. Andrew Deener shows that problems with food access are the result of infrastructural failings stemming from how markets and cities were developed, how distribution systems were built, and how organizations coordinate the quality and movement of food. He profiles hundreds of people connected through the food chain, from farmers, wholesalers, and supermarket executives, to global shippers, logistics experts, and cold-storage operators, to food bank employees and public health advocates. It is a book that will change the way we see our grocery store trips and will encourage us all to rethink the way we eat in this country