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Includes bibliographical references. ; This study examines Drum magazine's journalism from 951 to 1959. Many studies have primarily examined Drum and its role as a vehicle for the "Sophiatown generation" of fiction in the 1950s but this study instead concentrates on Drum's non-fiction reporting. It looks at both Drum's role in the birth of the popular black press and the magazine's complex conceptions of urban life. It argues that Drum's non-fiction promoted a cosmopolitan identity for its urban readers, in direct opposition to the efforts by the apartheid government to "retribralise" black urban residents, but also reflected anxieties about the urban experience. Drum was also one of the first non-partisan black publications to make political news accessible to a mass audience and the study argues that Drum's coverage of black politics has been overlooked and sometimes underestimated.

In light of the unfavorable way in which many white South Africans have reacted to black majority rule in contemporary South Africa, there has been a tendency to read J.M. Coetzee's 1999 novel Disgrace as a condemnation of the social disruption that has characterized South African life since 1994. While the novel certainly expresses a degree of unease over the politically precarious situation of whites in the new South Africa, such readings tend to ignore the complexities of both the novel and the politics of life after apartheid. Rather than an attack that describes white life as now essentially impossible, I try to understand Disgrace as a meditation on the meaning of whiteness in the new South Africa, one that seeks to leave behind the racist and imperialist discourses that previously defined whiteness as a social identity.

Since the 18th century, nationalism – as a modern ideology and a form of culture – has been vitally linked to the printed word and the subsequent mass media technologies of reproduction and dissemination. Because of its potential to transcend the isolation of a local community the press has been used by emerging nationalist politics to implement a new holistic vision of the homogeneous nation. The new identity, that became overwhelmingly important during the 20 century, was shaped by the progressive advances of chemistry and technological leaps in typography and lithography. Marshal McLuhan has reflected on this interrelation in his famous Understanding Media: the press, the magazine seem to be the most adequate means to address the public as huge as nations are, thus McLuhan has defined print media as the architect of nationalism.

Since the 18th century, nationalism – as a modern ideology and a form of culture – has been vitally linked to the printed word and the subsequent mass media technologies of reproduction and dissemination. Because of its potential to transcend the isolation of a local community the press has been used by emerging nationalist politics to implement a new holistic vision of the homogeneous nation. The new identity, that became overwhelmingly important during the 20 century, was shaped by the progressive advances of chemistry and technological leaps in typography and lithography. Marshal McLuhan has reflected on this interrelation in his famous Understanding Media: the press, the magazine seem to be the most adequate means to address the public as huge as nations are, thus McLuhan has defined print media as the architect of nationalism.

Since the 18th century, nationalism – as a modern ideology and a form of culture – has been vitally linked to the printed word and the subsequent mass media technologies of reproduction and dissemination. Because of its potential to transcend the isolation of a local community the press has been used by emerging nationalist politics to implement a new holistic vision of the homogeneous nation. The new identity, that became overwhelmingly important during the 20 century, was shaped by the progressive advances of chemistry and technological leaps in typography and lithography. Marshal McLuhan has reflected on this interrelation in his famous Understanding Media: the press, the magazine seem to be the most adequate means to address the public as huge as nations are, thus McLuhan has defined print media as the architect of nationalism.

Global identity politics rest heavily on notions of ethnicity and authenticity. In contemporary Latin America there is a resurgence of indigenous claims for cultural and political autonomy and for the benefits of economic development. Yet these identities have often been taken for granted. In this historical ethnography, Baron Pineda traces the history of the port town of Bilwi, now known officially as Puerto Cabezas, on the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua to explore the development and function of racial categories in this region. In the process, he provides insight into the causes and meaning of social movements and political turmoil. Shipwrecked Identities also includes important critical analysis of the role of anthropologists and other North American scholars in the Contra-Sandinista conflict as well as the ways these scholars have defined ethnic identities in Latin America.

Depictions of the Mediterranean Sea figured prominently in steamship lines' publicity during the years of Fascist rule in Italy. These images of the sea promoted and publicized Italian foreign policy aims and aspirations as they shifted over the years from 1922 to 1942. At the same time, the images' emphasis on Italy's maritime heritage provided a rallying point for Italian national identity. Mussolini's government used Italian associations with the Mediterranean to foster a national as opposed to regional consciousness and to project abroad a vision of a culturally-unified and powerful Italy. The Italian people long for the Mediterranean, . the Roman lake on which the ports of Venice, Trieste, Genoa, Naples, and Amalfi shone, the ports from which imperial galleons and republican warships set sail to conquer the world.1

In this examination of the political implications of the use of the Ottoman view of pluralism to curb the demands of various social identities in Turkey in the 1990s, the author argues that the idea of Ottoman pluralism was constructed as a neo-Ottomanism combination of pluralism with liberal multiculturalism. The rise of a new identification process & the emergence of new historigraphies about Ottomanism are contextualized in a narrative on Turkish nationalist ideology through the Turkish revolution, the Kemalist political culture, the religio-ethnic Ottomanism of Turget Ozal, the political parties retraditionalization of identity through Islam, & the multi-judiciary model of society. The author concludes that the neo-Ottomanist challenges to the Turkish secular state revealed the problems with Kemalist ideology, & the reality of the differences as the symbolic & local centers of authority.

This paper examines the debate around the headscarf in France with the view to critically examining two central arguments put forward by the Stasi Commission for the restriction of the headscarf in French public schools -- that the headscarf imperiled public order and that it jeopardized neutrality in the public sphere. In the case of the first argument, this paper argues that France did not meet the threshold requirement necessary to curtail religious rights in public schools. In the case of the second argument, this paper insists that neutrality in the public sphere has always involved some accommodation of religious groups in society and should include the headscarf in public schools. The paper argues that the decision to ban the headscarf is ultimately a controversy about French identity and the values on which the French community is built. Adapted from the source document.

In order to put a lens on the issue of international security cooperation after 11 September 2001, this article examines the question of how collective action in International Relations becomes possible. The author maintains that a fair amount of inter-state collective action can be understood, even explained, by analysing the culture of the international system. Using discourse analysis as a tool, the analysis addresses the underlying ideas, norms and identities that constitute the relationship between the United States and Japan, on the one hand, and Germany and the United States, on the other, as it has evolved since September 2001. The method exposes how some ideas are privileged over others, how norms are maintained, reformulated and abandoned, how identity is constructed and how power is legitimized in the 'war on terror'.

Unlike other settler societies, Australia has yet to recognise Indigenous peoples as "peoples" or "nations". Despite this, we see something of a consensus emerging which suggests Indigenous "separatism" has been tried and failed in Australia, and it is time to revisit an integrationist approach in order to improve Indigenous peoples' socio‐economic position. This paper challenges the assumption that, beginning in the 1970s, Indigenous‐state relations have been characterised by the realisation of a separatist agenda. On the contrary, assessing three decades of Indigenous‐state relations reveals a consistent logic from the state which ultimately seeks to integrate Indigenous Australians, rather than recognise them as having a distinct — and separate — political identity. This logic reached its "natural" conclusion with the abolition of elected Indigenous political representation in 2005.

The goal of the 2 studies discussed in this article was to explore how persons who have undergone torture & other general trauma differ from persons who have undergone only general trauma & to compare the effects of torture to other kinds of traumas. The studies were conducted in 2001 & 2003. Contrary to our hypotheses, we found that although tortured individuals have a significantly higher trauma dose, they are more resilient, are more socioculturally adjusted, have more posttraumatic growth, & practice their religion more. They are more tolerant of differences in religion, race, & culture, & feel more supported. However, they are less healthy physically than individuals in the community who were not tortured. We used theories of attribution, identity trauma, & cumulative trauma to understand the results. Recommendations for counseling & therapy are discussed. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.