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The abandonment of the communist system raises questions concerning identity & the policy consequences of the change to a system that stands in many respects as the polar opposite of the values & principles of the communist form of rule. There are differences across countries in the extent to which they have adapted their policies, particularly concerning distribution of such indicative products as telephones & automobiles, & in their levels of militarization & energy consumption. However, it is clear that in at least some of these areas the impact has been rapid & dramatic. World rankings of different former communist countries have shifted markedly, although the differentials have not changed consistently. Most significantly, there has been a shift from public -- communal to essentially private priorities, accompanying increasing convergence with the policy profiles of the well-established liberal democracies. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

This paper will engage in a socioeconomic analysis of Luis Rodriguez's Always Running. The paper will identify the Lomas barrio as an immigrant enclave isolated from the Greater Los Angeles community. While an immigrant enclave typically serves as a transitional community for ethnic immigrants, the geographic, political, and social isolation of the economically-deprived barrio lead to exclusion of the resident Chicano population from the surrounding communities. As a result, Rodriguez and the other youth are thrown into the nihilistic gang lifestyle of La Vida Loca, a rebellious and militant response to the marginalization of the neighborhood. The paper concludes that while gang lifestyle is not the best option for the youth of the barrio, it is the only chance to earn the respect, identity, and sense of belonging that the barrio cannot provide.

Scholars of minority political participation have shown significant interest in unraveling the complex but crucial role of group-basedresources. Although there is an emerging scholarship on Latinos, much of the work on group consciousness, group identity, and ethnic organizations is based on research on Black Americans. Increasing diversity in the United States brings necessary attention to expanding the model to the politics and participation of other non-White, multiethnic, and immigrant majority communities. Using a new and unique dataset designed to tap the political opinion and behavior of Asian Americans, the authors find that the usefulness of group-based resources for this rapidly expanding and heterogeneous population is contingent on the specific form of the resources and the mode of political participation.

This article explores the international political thought of one of the most prominent late Victorian public intellectuals, John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the Regius Professor of Modern History at Cambridge, and author of the best-selling The Expansion of England (1883). Challenging conventional readings of Seeley, I argue that his vision of global politics must be located within the wider frame of his views on the sacred, and that he is seen best as articulating an intriguing political theology of international relations. In particular, I argue that instead of interpreting him as a realist, as has traditionally been the case, his position is classified most accurately as 'cosmopolitan nationalism'. Only by situating him in the intellectual context(s) of his time is it possible to provide an adequate account of the identity of his political thought.

Victor Davis Hanson, California farmer & war historian, helps to understand how America today thinks about war. He explains the neoconservative strategy of democratization as the only remaining opportunity after all the other political attempts have failed, & draws in the other US policies. One of the most radical democratizers in the US today, he does not blindly believe, & draws on the concepts of total war from the antique & WWII. The legacy of National Socialism & communism overshadows the political culture of Europe & America. A comparison of Hitler & Stalin leads to the conclusion that one must fear not only great evil but also absolute good. Communism remains a black hole, which is problematic for Europe in its eastern expansion & its search for an identity. The history of the ideology & the divided memories are of significant importance. Adapted from the source document.

US political life, now & over the past 40 years, seems heavily polarized. Political forces -- particularly Republicans -- will stop at nothing to destabilize their adversaries, & the traumatism of 9/11, in heightening the insecurity felt by most Americans, has further radicalized public life. This article probes the intellectual origins of this "brutalization" of American politics. Specifically, it points up the oft ignored yet nonetheless manifest influence of Carl Schmitt's legacy on this degeneration of political mores. The American right wing is, to wit, deeply steeped in Schmitt's conception of politics as a ruthless battle. This analysis retraces the vectors of his intellectual influence through a number of political theorists & research centers that have reinvigorated neoconservatism in a country whose national identity is, however, founded on the ideals of liberalism. Adapted from the source document.

This article argues that human security at the personal, institutional & structural-cultural levels can be more effectively realized in the process of peacebuilding if: (1) culture & identity & an interpretive bottom-up approach to peacebuilding are taken into account when addressing the problems of marginalized individuals, groups, & communities; (2) both material as well as socio-cultural contexts are considered critical factors to human security & peacebuilding; & (3) serious attempts are made to move beyond short-term functions of maintaining a ceasefire, demobilization & disarmament, & monitoring competitive elections among former adversaries. The analysis grapples with questions such as when does emancipation or sustainable peacebuilding occur?; or how can traditional/indigenous methods of peacebuilding be used more effectively to complement modern methods? These concerns are briefly applied to specific cases of postwar reconstruction & reconciliation. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

In the US, the revitalized third stage environmental justice movement unites six formerly independent social movements: civil rights, occupational health & safety, indigenous lands, environmental health, community-based social & economic justice, & human rights movements. In the South, the focus is on environmentalism of survival & livelihood. The three competing frames in the environmental justice movement -- identity politics, radical/liberal democratic politics, & socialist politics -- are examined in their North & South manifestations. Frame transformation needs to be addressed to form transnational coalitions, especially because of the racial exclusion at the top of the US environmental justice movement, but there is yet no process or strategy for this to occur & environmental foundations largely neglect justice concerns. However, the environmental justice movement offers promise in bringing together a coalition of white working class Americans, the salaried class, people of color & popular South social movements. M. Pflum

Paper presented at the Seminar on 'Devolution and Public Policy', ECPR Standing Group on Regionalism, University of Edinburgh, 22-3, October 2004. Published in: Regional and Federal Studies, 15 (4), 519-535, Dec. 2005 ; Decentralization of the Spanish welfare state has stimulated regional policy innovation. A 'demonstration effect' among all Spanish Comunidades Autónomas has so far acted as a policy equalizer. In Andalusia, where a strong sense of common identity is widely shared, the regional government (Junta) has implemented new welfare policies which have contributed to consolidate its institutional legitimacy. This paper reviews the process of decentralization in Spain. It concentrates on the 'catching up' quest articulated by Andalusia to gain a similar status and degree of autonomy as those achieved by the 'historical nationalities' (Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia). ; Peer reviewed

SUMMARY:
Zhanna Kormina's article is devoted to an analysis of folklore songs that revolve around the theme of a soldier's return from the Great Patriotic War. Kormina explores the differences between the popular perceptions of war and the official discourse. The author argues that as a result of the war, a large segment of the Soviet population internalized aspects of national identity. The key factor was the distinctive language with which the state spoke to, engaged, and mobilized the population for the war effort. A peculiar feature of this new language was the rendition of abstract patriotic slogans into images and terms taken from the sphere of everyday life, such as those of motherhood and spousal faithfulness. The author demonstrates how the common imagery was used in officially sponsored lyrics and popular ballads to the effect of telling different stories about the war.

What is 'mental health' during the societal crisis and upheaval occasioned by war? Perhaps the primary psychological effect of war on victims generally is through their witnessing the destruction of a social world embodying their history, identity, values and roles of everyday life. Such suffering has largely to be resolved collectively, in this same social world, albeit one which has been intentionally weakened. Thus, as the World Health Organization and other authorities confirm, the major thrust of humanitarian interventions must be towards the depleted social fabric and its institutions, for herein lie the sources of resilience and capacity for recovery for all (Kawachi & Berkman, 2000). Beyond that, history has shown that social or political reform is the best medicine, and for victims of oppressive violence this means acknowledgement and justice (Summerfield, 2002).