Suchergebnisse

auliyah means the good fortune, kingdom, power, authority. While Siyasah Dauliyah means the power of the Head of State to regulate the state in terms of International relations, territorial problems, nationalities, extradition, prisoners, alienation of political prisoners, expulsion of foreign citizens. In addition, it also deals with the problems of dhimmis, religious differences, mutual reciprocity and one-sided with dhimmi, hudud and qishash Or it can be said that regulate the relationship between these countries (Politics of International Law). Methodology used in this study is Library Studies (Library Research), using secondary data (secondary data) of library materials that have been available in libraries or other places and materials or research resources that can be accessed via the internet such as scientific journals , newspapers, news portals, research results from research institutions and documents. Keywords: International Relations, Politics, Siyasah, Islamic State, Islamic Law

Gender equality is the most important thing to prevent discrimination in the community. One way to achieve gender equality is by providing access to women to influence political policy, such as participating in politics, becoming legislative candidates. The low percentage of women legislatures, especially in Aceh shows that women are still not actively participating in politics. The cause factor is low motivation. This study aims to see the motivation of legislative candidates in terms of sex. The result of the research shows that there is a difference of motivation between male and female legislative candidates. The motivation of male candidates is more dominated by need for power which is a need to influence and control others. In contrast to female legislative candidates who are more dominated by need for affiliation which is a need to develop and maintain interpersonal relationships with others.

The focus of this study examines the role of pesantren politics during the reform period; the form of political maneuvering of political parties as well as the current pesantren response, as well as the background of thought and reasons raised by pesantren. Particularly to be analyzed is the relation of pesantren with economic and political interests in the multi-party reform era political configuration.For the pesantren leader (kiai) in Banyumas, politics really is a necessity that can be done by all components of the nation, which can be done in various ways. Although most of the pesantren leaders (kiai) in Banyumas show an open attitude towards political parties, especially political parties based on Islam, but in their concrete choices are influenced by various factors, especially cultural (ideological) and structural (organizational) factors. Second, for political parties, the kiai's position is crucial to provide political and cultural legitimacy to his constituents.

This chapter explores the impacts of conflict on growth, economic activity and livelihoods–impacts that often last long into a post-conflict period. It considers the role of 'enabling environments' for successful economic and livelihood recovery, exploring the various elements of their construction. The chapter focuses on the dominant approaches to external economic engagement in conflict-affected situations, and the role of power, politics and informal institutions in mediating the experience and effects of policy reforms in conflict-affected situations. It discusses flaws, tensions and uncertainties in specific development practice, and highlights in particular the questionable positioning of economic growth as a means to achieving peacebuilding outcomes and the persistence of standardised, neo-liberal-orientated economic models. The chapter defines the politics of growth as the 'processes of conflict, negotiation and cooperation between interest groups in the use, production and distribution of resources'. ; Department for International Development

Anxieties associated with global conflict surround youth and ideological narratives mediating these conflicts can be seen in the popular media youth consume. This investigation uses contemporary cultural-theoretical conceptualizations of ideology to analyze several important popular screen-based cultural artifacts created for youth consumption to determine how young audiences are invited into the ideoscapes and discourses of global politics in the age of the "war on terror." The analysis shows that these youth-oriented media artifacts script fundamental understandings of conflict and provide schema in which young viewers can orient themselves in relation to global Others, while also setting the matrix of intelligibility within which global politics itself becomes coherent. In addition, these popular cultural texts undertake an innovation of familiar Orientalisms, inviting young people to identify with an aggressive defense of the West and serving as an ideological support for the United States in the context of ongoing global conflicts.

The aim of this article is to develop a theoretical understanding of the insurrection as a central concept in radical politics in order to account for contemporary movements and forms of mobilisation that seek to withdraw from governing institutions and affirm autonomous practices and forms of life. I will develop a theory of insurrection by investigating the parallel thinking of Giorgio Agamben and Max Stirner. Starting with Stirner's central distinction between revolution and insurrection, and linking this with Agamben's theory of destituent power, I show how both thinkers develop an ontologically anarchic approach to ethics, subjectivity and life that is designed to destitute and profane governing institutions and established categories of politics. However, I will argue that Stirner's 'egoistic' and voluntarist approach to insurrection provides a more tangible and positive way of thinking about political action and agency than Agamben's at times vague, albeit suggestive, notion of inoperativity.

The institution of Hobbes' Leviathan is marked by the transformation of cunning, equally shared by all in the state of nature, into a rational, sovereign politics. The question I take up here by way of Machiavelli and two of his contemporary readers, Derrida and Lefort, what if cunning was politicized rather than replaced by sovereign reason? In other words, what if cunning, a complex political deception, was not abandoned or given over to the sovereign? I argue that Lefort's reading of Machiavelli, embracing as it does the central role of a shared cunning or ruse between the people and the prince, offers valuable resources for thinking the foundation of political authority for a secular democratic politics, while in contrast, Derrida's critique of Machiavelli's cunning illuminates why he is not able to escape a sovereign, theological foundation for political authority and the law.

This study examines the political implications of women's participation in social movements in Thailand. Based on interviews at protest sites and focus group discussions with movement participants as well as interviews with leaders and key informants, the study suggests that political socialization within what is commonly called the color-coded movements has resulted in women acquiring political knowledge and learning about political engagement while being increasingly accepted as competent political actors. Consequently, women have utilized the Red and Yellow Shirt movements to increase their engagement in politics in three different ways. First, women form groups to enhance their political roles and opportunities within the movements. Second, women are expanding their political roles beyond those offered by the color-coded movements by becoming informal representatives, bridging their communities with formal political agents and institutions. Finally, women are increasingly entering into formal politics through the support of their movements.

Deriving from the Overseas Development Institute's Africa Power and Politics Programme, Governance for Development in Africa makes a strong argument to distinguish between good governance and developmental governance. It does so not to present the two forms as mutually exclusive but rather to make a case that effective developmental action in generalised African conditions requires something more proximate, more realistic, and in a sense more modest than the broader and more abstract desiderata of good governance, based as it is on evocations of transparency, participation, and empowerment. The book rests within an emerging genre of research on Africa which has made two interconnected and important moves: to reject the developmental pessimism that a certain essentialist view about African politics has relied upon, and to work from a kind of institutional realism that is mainly interested in governance practice and its own dynamics.

Abstract
This article analyzes the network of phosphate producing sites in French colonial North Africa in the twentieth century. By tracing phosphate flows across the region between mining sites, and by placing the North African network into imperial and global perspective, the article develops the concept of a phosphate archipelago, capable of recognizing the shared specificities of the phosphate mines as extractive spaces and of describing their insertion into adjacent local and regional dynamics. Drawing on political-economic writings after World War One, the article focuses mainly on phosphates' role in the colonial politics of economic autarky, but also touches on labour migration, the role of phosphates as an actor, and the trajectory of the phosphate archipelago in North Africa across the watershed of independence in the 1950s and down to the present day, when it plays a key role in the politics of global nutrition and food security.

Abstract
Tommi Avicolli Mecca, born in Philadelphia in 1951, moved to San Francisco in 1991 and quickly established himself as a leading queer performance artist, playwright, and newspaper columnist as well as a leading housing rights and antigentrification activist. This interview is excerpted from an interview initially conducted by Susan Stryker, general coeditor of TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly, for the GLBT Historical Society on November 19, 1998, and edited in consultation with Mecca for publication in TSQ, to highlight content related to the interrelationships between feminism, drag culture, and gay liberation politics in Philadelphia in the 1970s. In what follows, Mecca discusses his early involvement with radical sexuality and gender politics with the Gay Liberation Front (GLF) at Temple University, his later involvement in the more assimilationist Gay Activist Alliance (GAA), the formation of the Radical Queens collective, and his alliance with the separatist lesbian feminist group DYKETACTICS.

Capitalist development in India, and the politics of those who are its immediate victims, defies the main varieties of postcolonial theory and Marxism that are today in contentious debate, in which postcolonial theory is identified with culture and particularity, and Marxism with political economy and universalism. Rejecting this framing, I draw attention to recently translated works by Marx, debates in agrarian political economy, and writings that emphasize the temporal specificity of contemporary capitalist development in India. I show the 'compulsion' of capitalists to compete and workers to sell their labour is held back by the ongoing politics of hegemony: capitalists want state protection and support for accumulation, and democracy and rights provide the poor with limited but sometimes effective political power. As a result, the primitive accumulation process remains indefinitely incomplete, and mature capitalism, defined by some Marxists as 'universal', is held in a sustained state of deferral.

This paper opposes two versions of insularity: the first is the linkage between utopian political imaginings and island spaces, which contributes to a negative view of utopia as a self-enclosed, totalitarian state; the second is the wide-spread dream of the private home as the realm of a happy life - the 'realistic' direction visions of a better future tend to take in contemporary Western societies, also an insular concept. The paper then suggests a possibility of utopian politics beyond both of these forms of insularity - the isolated island as a detached vision of a political ideal as well as the insular refuge of private withdrawal -, a politics opposed to the existing 'partitions' (Ranciere) within the current social order. As an example, the final part of the paper discusses a utopian political approach in this sense to the issue of 'economic migration'. ; peer-reviewed

En el ensayo "La herida siempre abierta en un cuerpo" o las políticas de la investidura en Duerme de Carmen Boullosa se exploran los cuestionamientos de las construcciones genéricas en Duenne, novela que presenta una protagonista que juega con las representaciones identitarias. Utilizando planteamientos teóricos de Jacques Derrida y Michele Foucault se cuestiona también la teorización de ludith Butler con respecto al travestismo y las políticas del cuerpo.In her essay "La herida siempre abierta en un cuerpo" o las políticas de investidura en Carmen Boullosa" (the wound ever open in a body, or the politics of investiture ") the author explores the questionings of generic constructions in "Duenne", a novel which introduces a protagonist who plays with identity representations. On the basis of theoretical principles from M. Foucault and, Derrida, J. Butler's own theorization on transvestism and the politics of the body are also called in question.

This paper has the objective to give a general vision of the new conditions of the women's public and political action in the I century b.C. At those times the frequent civil wars took far apart many men from institutional life and allowed matronae to act in politics. When do women act in politics and which is the typology of their actions? Do women act in private background, that now has become even politics'context, or do they act in public background? Through which instruments, and overall through which languages, do matronae act their strategies? Which role do they act, between the need of conforming and the boost for development, the male models of political action and previous female experiences in public life? This paper evidences specific cases of matronal interferences in political life, which offers advices about who this phenomenon in this chronological context has became so common and popular.