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If you wanted to know how Bill Clinton thought when he was president, you ignored the scripted set-piece speeches and instead went to listen to him talk off the cuff at an evening fundraiser. At night, he would ruminate extemporaneously on race, religion, science, and the nature of the human soul. His mind would roam widely and yet pull together disparate themes into a coherent narrative as no other politician of his generation. Today, the place to hear him think out loud is at the annual Clinton Global Initiative conference in New York, where he gathers hundreds of heads of state, business moguls, nonprofit executives, academics, and even Hollywood stars not just to talk about the world's problems but to do something about them. Adapted from the source document.

A number of influential studies in political science argue that important economic policy changes in the rich democracies since the mid-1970s were caused by the introduction of new economic ideas. This article claims that while experts exert strong influence over the selection of policy instruments, their influence over the formulation of policy objectives is much weaker. In the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, the predominance of Keynesianism in Austria and Denmark did not lead Austrian and Danish governments to maintain low unemployment longer than Sweden, where Keynesianism was less strong. But it did lead them to regard fiscal policy as an instrument that can be used to control the level of activity in the economy, while their Swedish counterparts relied instead on exchange rate and monetary policy.

В статье рассмотрены особенности становления развития концепта политической культуры, как актуальной темы политологии. Выделены основные направления в трактовке политической культуры на основе анализа трудов зарубежных и российских авторов. Рассмотрены факторы и пути содействующие становлению и формированию новой политической культуры России. Предложен авторский вариант формирования политической культуры демократического типа российского общества. ; The article deals with the peculiarities of becoming and development of concept of political culture as the main issue of the political science. The main branches of treatment of political culture based on the works of foreign and Russian authors are depicted in the article. Factors and ways of becoming and formation of the new political culture in Russia are reviewed. The author suggested his own variant of formation of political culture of the democratic type in Russian community.

There is no longer any serious debate about whether greenhouse gas emissions from human activity are altering the earth's climate. There is also a broad consensus that efficient mitigation of emissions will require carbon pricing via market based instruments (charges or auctioned tradable permits). The remaining controversies stem mostly from economic and technological forecasting uncertainties, disputes about global and intergenerational equity, and political divisions over collective measures to combat climate change. Near term closure seems unlikely on any of these fronts, but the science is now sufficiently compelling that a global consensus supports concerted action. Developing countries must be full participants, because they will be most heavily impacted by global warming, and because the scale of their emissions is rapidly approaching parity with developed countries.

Abstract
Revenues from television spot-advertising can be viewed as a kind of indirect financing of editorial content. This applies still further to endeavours to incorporate advertising messages into programming. In order to identify problems associated with doing away with the separation principle, it is meaningful to adopt a perspective that brings together theories and findings which are genuinely embedded in economics and communication science. Such a perspective shows that appealing to the self-regulating forces of the market is nonsensical in a sector where market failure is the rule as opposed to the exception. And when it comes to media competence of television viewers, audience research and research on media effects indicates that expectations with respect to the advertising effectiveness of product placement are unlikely to be met.

The idea of Mitteleuropa began to gain momentum in the German geopolitical science of the beginning of the twentieth century. German geopolitics, which became famous through the works of Karl Haushofer, had set out a geographical and political notion of Mitteleuropa that supported a political project based on German expansion. As such, Mitteleuropa developed as both a political and scientific concept, a project and a `reality'. With an analysis of the core elements defining the term Mitteleuropa one can begin to appreciate the characteristics that differentiate it from other geographical concepts, as well as the features which some conservative authors have promoted following the geopolitical scientists. As a `geopolitical idea', Mitteleuropa can be shown to designate a way of understanding politics, nature and culture, or more specifically, their relationship.

The central question in this study is whether the power of the media agenda over the political agenda has recently increased. The agenda-building dynamics are established using cross-country time-series data on four issues, covering fifteen and eight years respectively of British and Dutch parliamentary debates and newspaper articles. Structural equation models show that the parliamentary agenda is more influenced by the media agenda than the other way around, and that the power balance has shifted even more in favour of the media. It is additionally found that media power is especially associated with issues within the European domain. This study contributes empirically to the 'mediatization' debate in a EU context, which is largely limited to the realm of theoretical speculation. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)

Although role theory appears to have been largely dismissed from the contemporary critical literature, role is nevertheless a persistent theme in the discourses of organizational actors. This paper argues that it is timely, therefore, to re-view role, particularly as it articulates with the processes of constructing identity. Drawing on three interview segments that evoke a variety of roles, we develop the notion of role as a boundary object (a concept that we have appropriated from the sociology of science and technology literature). We show that this provides a much richer and more complex understanding that recognizes role as an inherently incomplete and emergent intermediary in identity construction processes. Further, we suggest that this view of role resonates with, and informs, wider theoretical conversations about identity construction.

The relationship between job satisfaction and productivity is one that has been examined at greatlength over the years. Consider Locke's claim that as of 1976, approximately 3,350 articles on thistopic were in circulation (Okpara 2004). In 1992 Cranny et al. reported the existence of at least 5,000 ofsuch manuscripts (Okpara 2004). Numerous studies have been conducted in this field of inquiry, andthis paper endeavors to build upon that collective effort. Here, the focus is on the relationship betweenjob satisfaction and productivity among the professors of a major research university in south Florida;while its scope is limited to the College of Arts and Sciences. More specifically, this paper asks: whatis this relationship? And what effect might it have on the quality of higher education in America?

The words of bureucracy, policy and state always result in big problems when they are use together at the same time. These concepts in political science become very interesting terms since there are many important things covered especially in politically in political system. A lot of controversies, however, go along time. There are problems resulting in the application of those terms but the problems are seen vague. It has a fundamental question about who really hold the authority? Bureucracy is a kind of public organization. Wberin defined bureucracy public and privte organization. The difference in it relates with the character of bereucracy which is defined by the relevancy of this aspect. The difference between public and private result in a view that bureucracy is an enemy of the wills of egalitarian and revolutionist.

This issue of Japanese Journal of Political Science is devoted to the fruits of the latest AsiaBarometer Survey that was completed in 2006. The AsiaBarometer is a regional survey project that focuses explicitly on the daily lives of ordinary people in Asia. The first three waves of the survey were carried out in more than 30 countries in East, Southeast, South, and Central Asia. The wave examined here is focused on seven societies that fall into the 'Confucian' zone of world politics: China, Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Most of the comparative papers that constitute this journal were first presented at the AsiaBarometer Workshop and Open Symposium in Tokyo on 14 and 15 December 2006. A separate volume containing country profile chapters will appear at a later date.

Norms of behavior in scientific research represent ideals to which most scientists subscribe. Our analysis of the extent of dissonance between these widely espoused ideals and scientists' perceptions of their own and others' behavior is based on survey responses from 3,247 mid- and early-career scientists who had research funding from the U.S. National Institutes of Health. We found substantial normative dissonance, particularly between espoused ideals and respondents' perceptions of other scientists' typical behavior. Also, respondents on average saw other scientists' behavior as more counternormative than normative. Scientists' views of their fields as cooperative or competitive were associated with their normative perspectives, with competitive fields showing more counternormative behavior. The high levels of normative dissonance documented here represent a persistent source of stress in science.

SummaryThis paper examines the relationship of the national IQs reported by Lynn & Vanhanen (2002, 2006) to national achievement in mathematics and science among 8th graders in 67 countries. The correlation between the two is 0·92 and is interpreted as establishing the validity of the national IQs. The correlation is so high that national IQs and educational achievement appear to be measures of the same construct. National differences in educational achievement are greater than differences in IQ, suggesting an amplifier effect such that national differences in IQs amplify differences in educational achievement. Controlling for national differences in IQ, slight inverse relationships of educational achievement are observed with political freedom, subjective well-being, income inequality, and GDP. However, public expenditure on education (as % of GDP) was not a significant predictor of differences in educational achievement.

What impact does the negotiation stage prior to the adoption of international agreements have on the subsequent implementation stage? We address this question by examining the linkages between decision making on European Union directives and any subsequent infringements and delays in national transposition. We formulate a preference-based explanation of failures to comply, which focuses on states' incentives to deviate and the amount of discretion granted to states. This is compared with state-based explanations that focus on country-specific characteristics. Infringements are more likely when states disagree with the content of directives and the directives provide them with little discretion. Granting discretion to member states, however, tends to lead to longer delays in transposition. We find no evidence of country-specific effects. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)