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Domestic violence impedes women's exercise of full participatory citizenship. This article explicates the role of family, community and social networks in the aftermath of an abusive relationship as both an indicator of intimate citizenship as an achieved status and as a facilitator of the process of citizenisation in the private and public spheres. Based on life history interviews with 26 South Asian women in the UK, the findings reveal the myriad ways in which denial of citizenship continues long after, and in part due to, the end of the abusive relationship, and outline women's efforts to regain a sense of identity, belongingness and membership within their intimate, family and community lives. In doing so, this article advances conceptual understandings of the lived practice of citizenship. It also problematises the binary construction of 'victims' versus 'survivors', which is premised on a linear and successful journey towards citizenisation following the end of the abusive relationship.

This study scrutinizes the nature of online citizen-driven collective actions aimed at countering terrorism following bombing attacks in Indonesia. In particular, this study illuminates the framing processes, public sentiments, and actors involved in the movement. An analysis of 10,000 tweets bearing the hashtag #KamiTidakTakut (we are not afraid) showed that the participants predominantly employed motivational frames to encourage others to engage in anti-terrorism efforts and defy terror by bolstering collective identity. Moreover, while the tweets were mainly conveyed in a positive tone, a considerable number of tweets voiced negative sentiments, including criticism of the movement. In addition, most tweets came from citizens, and some were from media outlets, civil society organizations, government agencies, and public figures. The study enriches the literature on online collective actions in the context of terrorism and offers practical insights into the design of public anti-terrorism campaigns.

This article explores the distinct social reproductive practices of the Black upper-middle class. In particular, this study focuses on the role of community organizations in socializing the collective habitus of a community at the intersection of Blackness and class privilege. I draw on interview data from members of one Black upper-middle class organization, Jack and Jill of America Inc., to identify how families and institutions collaborate to socialize children into a particular raced-classed habitus, passing on ideologies, discursive habits, and behavioral strategies aimed at producing citizens who are both culturally empathetic and socioeconomically mobile. I find that mothers rely on the blurred boundaries between family and social organizations to legitimate and reinforce the lessons taught at home. In particular, mothers explicitly socialize identity and affinity within a racial community while simultaneously socializing implicit, but powerful, behavioral habits related to social class.

AbstractPrevious explanations regarding transnational solidarity in the European Union (EU) have mainly focussed on factors including left–right self‐placement, support for European integration and European identity. We expand this model by considering deeper psychological determinants of transnational solidarity: values, operationalised as Schwartz's basic human values of universalism and security. We expect them to exert (1) direct effects on transnational solidarity – measured as support for pan‐European social benefits – and (2) indirect effects via the three aforementioned factors. We test and find evidence to support our theoretical framework using multigroup structural equation modelling and data from the European Social Survey. We further show that the effect size of the value of universalism on preferences for an EU social benefit scheme in each country is positively moderated by that country's net contribution to the EU budget, highlighting the interaction between material interests and psychological value motivations.

AbstractSocial scientists are frequently interested in who is most responsive to a treatment. By necessity, such moderation experiments often rely on observed moderators, such as partisan identity. These designs have led to an ongoing debate about where to measure moderators—immediately prior to the treatment, after the treatment, or in a prior wave of a panel survey. Measuring a moderator prior to the treatment is the most efficient and avoids posttreatment bias, but it raises concerns about priming. We contribute to this debate by systematically studying whether measuring moderators prior to an experiment affects the results. Across six different experiments, each involving a commonly used moderator, we find little evidence of priming effects, even when a moderator is placed immediately before the experiment. Our findings thus help resolve the debate, suggesting that researchers should measure moderators pretreatment. We conclude with advice on designing well‐powered moderation experiments.

AbstractCulture is perceived as the main driver of the restructuring of former industrial centres in capitalist societies. Hence, it proves useful to adopt a cultural approach to regional development in different dimensions, that is, culture as a meaning‐making process, a constitutive part of a community's identity, or in an aesthetic sense. The study focusses on culture narratives in two East German old industrial towns. Here, local actors refer to culture both in stories of loss as well as in stories of change. They consider culture as an important part of their development narratives, yet with different aims and outcomes depending on whether they promote an instrumental or functional understanding of culture. As a result, culture narratives can either open up new opportunities and thereby contribute to changes in old industrial towns and de‐peripheralization, or they can foreclose specific development options and lead to further marginalization.

I agree that the unity of the method of analytic philosophy is an illusion and, as a result, I intend to discuss about the varieties of analysis in analytic philosophy. My strategy is to argue that the so called "linguistic turn" was followed by several attempts to develop a method in analitic philosophy and to assure at least its methodological identity. Therefore, I think that the decompositional analysis is, in the same time, in continuity with traditional philosophy and also the first way to perform in analitic philosophy. The logical analysis proposed by Frege become the main paradigm of analysis and, historically, it had some forms as logical reduction, logical contruction or rational reconstruction. The other main paradigm is the conceptual analysis developed by Wittgenstein in Philosophical investigations. I think that a historical concept of analytic philosophy is useful for a better understanding of this variety of analyical method.

Following its formation in 2013, Black Lives Matter (BLM) has evolved into an important social and political movement. However, the organization's efforts to oppose racial inequality and police brutality through protest routinely have been met with a violent response by law enforcement, including the employment of various "less-lethal" weapons. This article aims to explore and analyze the ways in which tear gas has been used to discipline BLM protesters between 2014 and 2020. Drawing upon themes of race, empire, identity, war, and biopower as they coalesce within metropolitan protest sites, this article argues that colonial logics, power structures, and hierarchies inform the deployment of tear gas on BLM protesters today. While the eras of slavery and Jim Crow may have formally ended, their legacies and exclusionary structures continue to influence the way movements for Black advancement are suppressed using tear gas.

Abstract. Parents vary in the extent to which they want their children to feel empathy toward different groups. In the current investigation, we tested whether Jewish–Israeli mothers' motivation to have their children feel group-based empathy toward members of their ingroup (Jews) and outgroup (Arabs) differed as a function of the types of group identification mothers experience with their own group – namely attachment to and glorification of Israel. We found that the more mothers identified with Israel, both in terms of attachment and glorification, the more they wanted their child to feel empathy toward ingroup members. However, only to the extent that mothers glorified their group, did they want their child to feel less empathy toward outgroup members. Our findings point to potential importance of considering mothers' group identity as related to the transmission of intergroup empathy and the perpetuation of intergroup conflict across generations.

In the political discourse regarding gender identity, the concept of biological sex has been weaponised by gender critical commentators to oppose gender affirmation for trans people. Recently, these commentators have appealed to an essentialist model of sex based on anisogamy, or relative gamete size, to argue that one's sex is an immutable characteristic. I argue that the gender critical argument is unsound. The diverse purposes of sex classification and the complex variability of people's sexual characteristics show that an essentialist model is untenable. I then consider how a more adequate theoretical framework from the philosophy of biology can accommodate this complexity and capture how sex is classified in relevant contexts. Further implications of the framework are explored which concern the vagueness, polysemy, and mutability of sex. These undercut the gender critical argument and show that the appeal to biological sex fails to undermine gender affirmation for trans people.

Sharenting – a new term emerged over the past 10 years – refers to the practice of sharing textual and audiovisual contents concerning children online by their parents or guardians, potentially impacting the construction of children's digital identity before they can reach the age of consent. Based on a passive virtual ethnography carried out comparatively in Italian-speaking and English-speaking virtual communities focusing on children's wellbeing and health, this paper offers an empirical contribution to the study of sharenting. While contributing to the wider debates on the practices and discourses about sharing in digital media, this paper provides an analysis of how online and offline parenting cultures affect sharenting practices; how the consequences of sharenting are addressed in online communities; and how the privacy vs openness tension about sharing contents is negotiated by parents with regards to their own and children needs even in terms of digital security.

AbstractFichte's Foundations of the Entire Wissenschaftslehre 1794 is one of the most fundamental books in classical German philosophy. The use of laws of thought to establish foundational principles of transcendental philosophy was groundbreaking in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century and is still crucial for many areas of theoretical philosophy and logic in general today. Nevertheless, contemporaries have already noted that Fichte's derivation of foundational principles from the law of identity is problematic, since Fichte lacked the tools to correctly present the formal parts of Foundations. In this paper, however, we argue that Fichte's approach intuitively offers an important contribution to transcendental philosophy, and especially to philosophy of logic. We first point out the difficulties of Fichte's logic in the Foundations and improve it in a second part on the basis of a formal system in which both propositional logic and syllogistic are combined.

Abstract
The article discusses the political contention around the implementation of the Minsk Accords in Ukraine, and why the pluralist nation-building project required for the success of these accords failed. The much-debated cleavage between the more 'pro-Western' and more 'pro-Russian' regions of Ukraine requires that such an alternative be taken seriously. The article argues that neither the change of the balance in favor of the pro-Western electorate in 2014, nor the rise of Ukraine's civic identity in response to Russian aggression can adequately explain the failure to develop a positive, pluralist nation-building project in the context of Minsk. It argues instead that the profound class and political asymmetry between Ukraine's 'Western' and 'Eastern' political camps created different capacities for the universalization of their particular interests, and for effective political mobilization for and against the Minsk Accords in the context of Euromaidan's revolutionary dynamics.

Conflict between local state and churches in China has increased both in number and intensity in recent years due to the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) tightened regulation and control over religious affairs and religious groups. Drawing on the theoretical insight of the positive function of social conflict proposed by Coser and the empirical findings in China, this paper tries to decode the impact of China's religious policies on state–church interaction under Xi Jinping's rule. It finds that the overall impacts of state intensified control over religions are twofold. On the one hand, state intervention paradoxically serves as a facilitating factor to enhance religious group's internal cohesion, reinforce their group identity and help them reflect on and change their survival and development strategies. On the other hand, increased state control at the same time generates an unpleasant outcome that is not beneficial for a peaceful state–church interaction.

While Fascist Italy was fighting its colonial war in Ethiopia in 1935–6, a 'parallel war' was fought by Italian fascist branches abroad to retain the allegiance of the Italian immigrant communities and win their support. Drawing extensively on original Italian archival documents and the contemporary press, this article analyses how the invasion of Ethiopia affected the small Italian diaspora in Scotland. The propaganda used by Fascist Italy to justify the war and counteract British diplomatic hostility, as well as the central role of Italian fascists in Scotland, contributed to consolidating the national identity of a large number of Italian immigrants and links with their country of origin. This article will also explore how the Abyssinian war paved the way for the portrayal of the members of local fascist branches (and those who were not) as 'enemies within' by the British government and many sectors of the host society.