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The Finance of Local Government By J.M. Drummond. A Dictionary of Local Government in England and Wales By L. Golding. The Structure of Public Enterprise in India By V.V. Ramanadham. The State and the Farmer By Peter Self and H. Storing. Collective Bargaining in Sweden: A Study of the Labour Market and its Institutions By T.L. Johnston. Government and Science By Don K. Price. A Postscript to Science and Government By C.P. Snow. Party Politics Volume III: The Stuff of Politics By Sir Ivor Jennings. Case Studies of Management Initiative By M.J. Kirton and Elizabeth Sidney. The Design of Forms in Government Departments H.M. Treasury Leadership and Organization: A Behavioural Science Approach By Robert Tannenbaum, Irving R. Weschler and Fred Masarik. Costing and Efficiency in Hospitals By Charles Montacute. Provinces of England By C.B. Fawcett. A Pattern of Government Growth, 1800–60: The Passenger Acts and their Enforcement By Oliver MacDonagh.

The notion that the German liberals of 1848 failed because they were mere men of ideas and hence incapable of managing the grim realities of power politics has become dogma. We tend to accept this interpretation unthinkingly, I suspect, because it fits so well our modern anti-idealist bias in favor of the "practical realist" in politics – one, that is to say, who is adept at maneuvering safely among existing forces without attempting to add the force of ideals and hope. In his recent and excellent book, however, Mr. Theodore S. Hamerow has shown that the liberals of 1848 failed not because they were impractical but because they were too practical. Indeed, so single-mindedly did the liberals push their own practical political and economic interest, Mr. Hamerow informs us, that they cut off their ties with those classes – the peasants and workers – whose violence had made the revolutions successful.

Books reviewed in this article.Great Cities of the World: Their Government, Politics and Planning. Edited by Professor W. A. Robson.British Political Parties. The Distribution of Power Within the Conservative and Labour Parties. By R. T. McKenzie.In the Shadow of the Mau Mau. By Ione Leigh.White Africans. By J. F. Lipscomb.Defeating mau mau. By L. S. B. Leakey.The Heart of Africa. By Alexander Campbell.Must We Lose Africa?By Colin Legum.Australian Government and Politics. By J. D. B. Miller.American Government. By Richard H. Pear.Great Britain and the United States. By H. C. Allen.American Foreign Policy. By Elaine Windrich.Histoire de Vichy. 1940–1944. By Robert aron.The Middle Class Vote. By John Bonham.Voting in Democracies. By Enid Lakeman and James D. Lambert.Executive Discretion and Judicial Control. By C. J. Hamson.French Administrative Law and the Common‐Law World. By Bernard Schwartz.Egypt's Destiny. By Mohammed Neguib.Sa'udi Arabia. By H. St. John Philby.

A sample (N = 339) of young eligible voters (age 21-24), in Cambridge, Mass., were surveyed to determine factors influencing the liberal ideology, usually observable among younger voters. The community is largely Democratic. 'Agreement on candidate and party choice is highest between the young person and his family (parents and spouse), next highest with his friends, and least high with his fellow-workers.' Lower SE groups are more likely to reject parents' politics where strict discipline prevailed. Upward mobiles tend to adopt politics of the group into which they have moved, while downward mobiles remain Republican. Ideology of the upward mobile remains with group of origin, while the downward mobile adopt parts of ideology of their new class. Educated youth are more likely to change voting patterns, and to adopt an ideology that comports with voting; the less educated appear not to require consistency on this score. I. F. Lukoff.

Since 1945 the popular view that the United Nations would bring an end to power politics has given way in some quarters to the conviction that power politics will bring an end to the United Nations. More hopeful opinion recognizes and stresses the value of the United Nations as a continuous and expanding "service" organization operating essentially to facilitate discussion, to find and reduce technical sources of friction, and to crystallize world opinion around universal objectives. If, as Mr. Jessup has written, the United Nations is an instrument for "mobilizing world public opinion and making it articulate to the point at which it becomes a factor in the power situation," the accent now must clearly and necessarily be on opinion rather than power. No Secretary of State today could tell a Senate Committee, as did Mr. Stettinius in 1945, that the heart of the Charter is to be found in the enforcement provisions of Chapter VII.

The great game of politics was played throughout this session. The players, holding poor hands and distracted by thoughts of the new deal that was to come, faced a difficult situation. The presence of 158 members retired by the voters in the November elections gave a cast of uncertainty and unreality to the assembly. Deducting the six vacancies in the House, 219 Democrats confronted 209 Republicans, and in the Senate the count stood 48 Republicans to 47 Democrats. The Farmer-Laborites had one spokesman in each chamber. Here was a Congress, divided in control, weakened by the presence of repudiated representatives, and under the discredited leadership of a defeated president, but nevertheless faced with perplexing problems of national and world import arising in a highly critical period. The necessities of the time called for cooperative planning and swift, united action, but the exigencies of politics suggested procrastination and obstruction. And the latter considerations prevailed.

Just because we've decided to remove an issue from politics doesn't mean the politics is removed from the issue:To her opponents, Falkner is more interested in doing the government's bidding than protecting the commission's independence. They point out that the Liberal Democrat peer was appointed to the job by Liz Truss, and claim that she always had an agenda: to make the EHRC more pliant to the Conservative stance on trans rights."The EHRC is not independent but we have always tried to remain impartial," said one staff member who left over Falkner's leadership. "But when Kishwer [Baroness Falkner] started, she kept referring to Liz Truss . . . as her boss. It was embarrassing and staff had to tell her not to, especially in front of other human rights organisations."Another said: "This is just a continuation of the problem of having a supposed independent organisation whose board is appointed by the government."The specific issue is, obviously enough, the definition of male and female and therefore whether it is possible to change from one to the other. We've all agreed that gender is a culturally defined variable, but sex? Well, that's a political question, an intensely political one. And that we've shovelled it off into this independent body hasn't removed the politics from it. It's just made the politics play out in staff complaints, leaks to the press, general smoke filled backrooms stuff. Instead of where democratic politics should be played out, at the ballot box. This being the entire point of the whole game, democracy is the only way anyone's come up with of making these grand decisions without bloodshed.Note what we're not arguing here, for one or another answer to the question. Rather, for the system that must be employed to try to reach one. On such things it's the demos that gets to have its say. Other examples abound. We're told that government must not be able to appoint the BBC chair. But the licence fee is a tax (yes, that's the legal position, G Brown said so) and taxes and the spending of them get determined by that demos. There's this most recent fuss that apparently we should pass power over pandemics up to the unelected - and unelectable (take that either way you wish) - World Health Organisation. We'd argue very strongly indeed that anyone with the power to shut down society must be forced to face the public even if retrospectively.Or the Climate Change Commission. That climate change might well have passed beyond being a political point but what to do about it, how to do it, are still intensely political questions. As Just Stop Oil prove on multiple roadways each week. Therefore the decision-making must not be shunted off to the backrooms to be run by Lord Deben, but be decided by that ballot box.Partly because, as above, that democracy, that actual political sphere, is the only way that anyone's worked out to make such decisions without riotous turmoil. But rather more importantly, unless the decision made has the support of the majority then the majority simply won't obey the rules then laid down. Without democracy deciding things the demos won't obey the decisions. We'd become Somalia, or Italy without the weather.This does lead to a slightly odd conclusion. We here at the ASI are insistent that vast areas of life have nothing to do with politics, democracy, the will of the majority and are best dealt with by keeping the PPE graduates well away from them. Which we stand by of course - it's just that we also agree that there are limited areas of life where a political decision must be made. Which must then be made by that majoritarian politics, not by cabals in backrooms.Abolish the administrative state and bring back politics with meaning.Footnote. On the subject of the CCC we note their front page: Net Zero offers real 'levelling up', but Government must get behind green jobsThe shift to Net Zero is already underway, with the creation of around 250,000 new jobs in the transition so far, but policy is now required to maximise the employment benefit of Net Zero and manage the risks.As we, the economically educated Illuminati, know, jobs are a cost. They're a cost of getting something done, not a benefit of having done the thing. So here is the CCC not just applauding the idea that we have a quarter million more costs involved with saving Gaia they're insisting that we must all be made poorer yet again by doing this ever harder to ourselves. Perhaps we should just pray that the NHS will restock on anti-psychotics real soon now.

This open access book introduces research on migration and religion with the focus on migration to western European countries from the 1950s and onwards. The book is an in-depth presentation of the main research trends as to methods, theories and empirical zones on migration and religion. In a unique way, the book brings together research about the topic aligning it with the experiences and urgencies of migrants. The first part of three introduces key concepts and presents main research trends over time. The second part deals with the processes of establishment – on an individual level as well as on a group and society level. The third and final part focuses on religious change in relation to religious ideas and habits. It further highlights religious creativity. The third part finishes with a discussion about challenges to research and what we still do not know enough about.

"As an installment of Routledge's BEA Electronic Media Research Series, Political Communication, Culture, and Society focuses on the expansive concept of political communication and illuminates the processes, contents, and effects related to myriad forms and vehicles of political communication. Whether involving traditional print or broadcast media, social media platforms, or face-to-face discussions, political communication today has shaped how we perceive others and understand the world around us, including our place in it, and ultimately, how we engage with others as social, cultural, and political beings. Hailing from multiple locations and drawing on a multitude of theories as well as quantitative and qualitative methodologies, the volume's contributors examine how communication intersects with politics in a broad swath of contexts, ranging from climate change to migration to the notion of political correctness. Collectively they ask and answer questions about how today's richly textured media ecology shapes our political world and how political messages can fuel - and ameliorate - the issues that deeply cleave societies around the globe. Relevant to scholars and students of journalism, media studies, and communication sciences, this volume will help interested readers better understand today's increasingly complex sociocultural world through the lens of political communication"--

"This book offers a wide-scale, interdisciplinary analysis and guide to social media and political communication, examining the political use of social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and TikTok. From disinformation to artificial intelligence, Jeremy Lipschultz explores how social media tools are being deployed by "good" and "bad" political actors. The use of "fake news" or disinformation is clearly contextualized for readers within a wider understanding of the historic uses of propaganda, persuasion and political advertising. Lipschultz also examines how social media is used by activists and social movements to increase civic engagement and amplify social issues. The book surveys traditional media communication theories and methods, exploring newsgatekeeping, propaganda, persuasion and personal influence, and diffusion of new technologies and ideas, teaching vital critical thinking methods for consuming, engaging with, and understanding political social media content from a media literacy perspective. It also includes social network analyses which offer visual representations of social media crowds that influence social movements and political change. Essential reading for students of Media and Cultural Studies, Communication, Journalism, Political Science, and Information Technology, as well as anyone wishing to understand the current intersection of social media and politics"--

"Exploring how modern internationalism emerged as a negotiated process through international conferences, this edited collection studies the spaces and networks through which states, civil society institutions and anti-colonial political networks used these events to realise their visions of the international. Using an interdisciplinary approach, contributors explore the spatial paradox of two fundamental features of modern internationalism. First, overcoming limitations of place to go beyond the nation-state in search of the shared interests of humankind, and second the role of the spaces in which people came together to conceive and enact their internationalist ideas. From Paris 1919 to Bandung 1955, this book shows how modern internationalism interacted with the ongoing influence of nation-states and imperial sovereignty through international conferences. While international 'permanent institutions' such as the League of Nations, UN and Institute of Pacific Relations constantly negotiated national and imperial politics, lesser-resourced and more radical political networks more frequently targeted states. Taken together these conferences radically expand our conception of where and how modern internationalism emerged, and make the case for focusing on internationalism in a contemporary moment when its merits are being called into question"--

Pan'gyesurok (or "Pan'gye's Random Jottings") was written by the Korean scholar and social critic Yu Hyngwn(1622-1673), who proposed to reform the Joseon dynasty and realise an ideal Confucian society. It was recognised as a leading work of political science by Yu's contemporaries and continues to be a key text in understanding the intellectual culture of the late Joseon period. Yu describes the problems of the political and social realities of 17th Century Korea, reporting on his attempts to solve these problems using a Confucian philosophical approach. In doing so, he establishes most of the key terminology relating to politics and society in Korea in the late Joseon. His writings were used as a model for reforms within Korea over the following centuries, inspiring social pioneers like Yi Ik and Chng Yakyong. Pan'gyesurok demonstrates how Confucian thought spread outside China and how it was modified to fit the situation on the Korean peninsula. Providing both the first English translation of the full Pan'gyesurok text as well as glossaries, notes and research papers on the importance of the text, this four volume set is an essential resource for international scholars of Korean and East Asian history.

Pan'gye surok (or "Pan'gye's Random Jottings") was written by the Korean scholar and social critic Yu Hyngwn(1622-1673), who proposed to reform the Joseon dynasty and realise an ideal Confucian society. It was recognised as a leading work of political science by Yu's contemporaries and continues to be a key text in understanding the intellectual culture of the late Joseon period. Yu describes the problems of the political and social realities of 17th Century Korea, reporting on his attempts to solve these problems using a Confucian philosophical approach. In doing so, he establishes most of the key terminology relating to politics and society in Korea in the late Joseon. His writings were used as a model for reforms within Korea over the following centuries, inspiring social pioneers like Yi Ik and Chng Yakyong. Pan'gye surok demonstrates how Confucian thought spread outside China and how it was modified to fit the situation on the Korean peninsula. Providing both the first English translation of the full Pan'gyesurok text as well as glossaries, notes and research papers on the importance of the text, this four volume set is an essential resource for international scholars of Korean and East Asian history.

Pan'gye surok (or "Pan'gye's Random Jottings") was written by the Korean scholar and social critic Yu Hyngwn(1622-1673), who proposed to reform the Joseon dynasty and realise an ideal Confucian society. It was recognised as a leading work of political science by Yu's contemporaries and continues to be a key text in understanding the intellectual culture of the late Joseon period. Yu describes the problems of the political and social realities of 17th Century Korea, reporting on his attempts to solve these problems using a Confucian philosophical approach. In doing so, he establishes most of the key terminology relating to politics and society in Korea in the late Joseon. His writings were used as a model for reforms within Korea over the following centuries, inspiring social pioneers like Yi Ik and Chng Yakyong. Pan'gye surok demonstrates how Confucian thought spread outside China and how it was modified to fit the situation on the Korean peninsula. Providing both the first English translation of the full Pan'gyesurok text as well as glossaries, notes and research papers on the importance of the text, this four volume set is an essential resource for international scholars of Korean and East Asian history.

Pan'gye surok (or "Pan'gye's Random Jottings") was written by the Korean scholar and social critic Yu Hyngwn(1622-1673), who proposed to reform the Joseon dynasty and realise an ideal Confucian society. It was recognised as a leading work of political science by Yu's contemporaries and continues to be a key text in understanding the intellectual culture of the late Joseon period. Yu describes the problems of the political and social realities of 17th Century Korea, reporting on his attempts to solve these problems using a Confucian philosophical approach. In doing so, he establishes most of the key terminology relating to politics and society in Korea in the late Joseon. His writings were used as a model for reforms within Korea over the following centuries, inspiring social pioneers like Yi Ik and Chng Yakyong. Pan'gye surok demonstrates how Confucian thought spread outside China and how it was modified to fit the situation on the Korean peninsula. Providing both the first English translation of the full Pan'gyesurok text as well as glossaries, notes and research papers on the importance of the text, this four volume set is an essential resource for international scholars of Korean and East Asian history.