Suchergebnisse

Рассматривается процесс возникновения, развития и становления многоязычного образования и факторы, влияющие на эффективность языкового обучения. Представлен анализ причин, повлиявших на неудачу попыток введения двуязычного обучения в США. Показываются преимущества раннего языкового обучения и «Предметно-языкового интегрированного обучения», которые получают всё большее распространение в Европе ; The paper is devoted to the processes of emergence, development and coming into being of bilingual and multilingual education, as well as factors influencing the effectiveness of language education. Multilingual education has a rather long history, and is not a result of the growth of linguistic and cultural self-consciousness and a need for interlingual and intercultural communication in the second half of the 20th century. Unlike most of the European countries, where with the introduction of the compulsory education, the linguistic policies, with the exception of a few multinational states, were directed at supporting monolingualism, in the USA a number of bilingual schools were opened for the children of European immigrants. The organization of bilingual schools allowed ethnic communities to preserve and maintain the cultural and linguistic heritage of the countries of their origin. After the First World War bilingual teaching was ousted from the system of national education as the result of the growth of anti-immigrant sentiments in the American society. Next, the paper presents the analysis of the reasons for the revival of the bilingual education in the USA in the 70s of the 20th century, and of the reasons for the failure of the bilingual education for language minorities on the basis of a number of legislative acts passed by the US Congress in the 60s and 70s. The American legislation on introducing bilingual education was a result of the reaction to the political movements for civil rights. The theoretical basis of bilingual education, which was based on using first the native tongue as the medium of instruction and then changing over to the second language, was provided by the theoreticians of the "supportive education in the mother tongue". Bilingual education, however, did not lead to the expected results, and in 2002 the action of the bilingual education law was discontinued. The causes for the bilingual education experiment failure are based in the rejection of early foreign language teaching, which led to artificial delay in the native language education and to depriving students of the advantages of early language teaching in achieving balanced multilingualism. Another conclusion made in the paper concerns the importance of a favourable supportive language environment in providing for the development of balanced multilingualism, which can be achieved through accumulating a rich language experience by participating in diverse language activities in an unconstrained informal setting. Next, the paper considered the experience in organizing multilingual and multicultural education in Europe. In the process of economic and political integration of Europe, multilingualism and multiculturalism were declared the leading principles. Linguists and researchers in the field of language teaching methodology were given the task of looking for ways of achieving individual multilingualism and multiculturalism in the European society. On the basis of an analysis of the organization of multilingual education in the world, the paper proposes a number of measures in developing multilingual programs aimed at balanced multilingualism, including early language teaching, creating a favour-renderable supportive language environment and using the Content and Subject Integrated Teaching and Learning, based on the use of the second language as the medium of instruction in non-language subjects

Рассматривается феномен популярности альманаха «Утренняя заря» (1838-1843) В.А. Владиславлева на общем фоне спада интереса к подобным изданиям. Выявляются способы привлечения интереса читательской аудитории, а также приемы формирования авторского состава. Основное внимание обращается на общую эстетику издания, отражающую эволюцию позднего русского романтизма 1830 начала 1840-х гг. к бидермайеру. Подробно анализируются наиболее значимые литературные произведения, вошедшие в альманах ; For the fist time the article dwells on the literary activities of V.A. Vladislavlev, an official of the Third Section of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery. The attention is paid to the reasons why his almanac "Utrennyaya Zarya" (1838-1843) was so popular with the readers while other periodicals of the kind ceased to be so much appealing. We also determine the ways to attract the readership and contributors. In the focus of our attention is the general aesthetics of late Russian romanticism of 1830 -the beginning of 1840 to Biedermeier. The article contains a thorough analysis of the most significant literary compositions of the almanac. The Almanacs of the 1820-s were a particularly secular type of literature reference book, useful for communication of intellectual well-bred people. The best periodicals of the kind endeavored to surpass this genre canon by acquiring the features of a political journal ("Polyarnaya Zvezda" (The Polar Star)) or a critical and philosophical review ("Mnemozina"). But for the aesthetics of biedermeier the ousted genre model becomes topical again as an antithesis to new democratic magazines and, correspondingly, as an instrument of official ideology, extremely disapproving new trends in journalism. The Almanac "Utrennyaya Zarya" appeared in the critical time which witnessed the decline of interest to this kind of books (1838). Almanacs were rapidly losing their readership in high society, becoming an entertainment for less intellectual readers. That's why the almanac published by V.A. Vladislavlev was of revolutionary nature giving a new birth to the genre mainly due to its freshness, originality and above all quality of the product. Vladislavlev managed to find contributors among famous and popular writers of that time (V.A. Zhukovsky, D.V. Davydov, A.V. Koltsov, V.I. Dal, N.V. Kukolnik, V.A. Sollogub, V.F. Odoyevsky, E.A. Baratynsky and other). The aesthetics of biedermeier perfectly corresponded to the general idea of "Utrennyaya Zarya", becoming the main component of this periodical. Motiffs of "bьrger environment", where this direction comes from, as well as "home", sometimes intimate atmosphere is found in most of the compositions of the almanac. Moreover, these motifs could be found both in prose and poetry, which was mainly represented by elegies and ballads. Vladislavlev did his best to follow the "parlour" way in the communication with the readership, avoiding ideological prolixity, but always emphasizing moral lessons of the story, sometimes very trite, but not without a certain dose of charm for the reader. That is why his choice of certain contributors brought about a commercial success to the almanac. As a result the almanac ceased to exist at its height. In 1842 Vladislavlev made up his mind to resign government of "Utrennyaya Zarya" to his younger brother and made the corresponding announcement in the mass media. This put an end to the unique history of the almanac. Thus, we consider this problem actual and promising as it adds to further and deeper understanding of the artistic heritage of Russian romanticism and its evolution of 1830-1840, connected with biedermeier

Istanbul is one of the oldest metropolis of the world, standing upon two continents, but its modern history, which is linked to planning exercise, can be traced back the beginning of the last century. In fact, the industrialization was the most attractive factor for people without job, living in the underdeveloped rural regions of the country, bringing serious problems to the city: urban sprawl, unemployment, insufficient infrastructures and public services and, over all, the illegal settlements called gegekondu (built-in-a-night houses), located in the outskirts of the urban area. In general, the growth goes over forward three branches, which are population, land use and transportation network, but it is possible to recognize in the linear form the influence of mobility factors: ferry, railways and highways. The current structure of the metropolitan area of Istanbul clearly shows the relationship between the mobility system and an uncontrolled urban sprawl. Starting from 1950 public investments have been oriented towards the construction of urban highways as an answer to the increasing exodus of rural population and to the related occupation of urban soils. In this sense, many authors underline how the proposed solutions and the reasons of the problems paradoxically tend to coincide. On the other hand, planning tools which have been used in the past have proved ineffective and have produced a largely illegal and ungovernable city. In fact, it is possible to describe the evolution of city planning as a result of the difficult to apply planning and development tools successfully experienced in the European countries but not adequately conceived with regards to the local social and economic structure of Istanbul. In particular, polycentrism, which has been largely evocated in planning tools – think of Sir Patrick Abercrombie's proposals, at the middle of the Fifties, or of Luigi Piccinato's plan of the metropolitan area (1969) – has constantly exceeded by the diffusion of illegal settlements. It probably means that changes are faster than the duration required for the processes which are used in planning and transportation organization. Also the new tools, as strategic plan and urban project, seem to show their limits. A larger integration between still sectoral urban policies can contribute to the definition of innovative approaches. An example is given by the pilot project "Street are Ours, One Day a Month": the slogan "moving people is more important than moving cars" clearly shows the "communicative" dimension of the initiative, aimed at the experimentation of innovative forms of alternative mobility in the framework of a broader involvement of inhabitants in planning choices. In this sense, the pilot project is oriented towards a reinforcement of the meanings related to the concept of proximity, involving not only mobility issues, but also those of community and local identity. ; L'attuale assetto dell'area metropolitana di Istanbul evidenzia con chiarezza il rapporto tra sistema della mobilità urbana ed espansione incontrollata del costruito. Gli strumenti di pianificazione utilizzati nel passato si sono rivelati inefficaci ed hanno prodotto una città in larga parte illegale che oggi appare ingovernabile. Tuttavia anche i nuovi strumenti del piano strategico e del progetto urbano sembrano mostrare i propri limiti. Una maggiore integrazione tra politiche urbane ancora troppo settoriali può contribuire alla definizione di approcci realmente innovativi.

The formation of Russian postmodernist thought can be traced to the theoretical works of Andrei Siniavsky, in particular to his treatise "On Socialist Realism" (1959). Instead of praising socialist realism as the "truthful reflection of life" (as did official Soviet criticism), or condemning it as a "distortion of reality and poor ideologized art" (as did dissident and liberal Western criticism), Siniavsky suggested the artistic utilization of the signs and images of socialist realism, while introducing a playful distance from their ideological content. This project was realized in the 1970s and 1980s in the form of Sots-Art and Conceptualism, influential artistic and intellectual movements that transformed the Soviet ideological system into material for parody and pastiche, often characterized also by a lyrical and nostalgic attitude. Conceptualism is not merely an artistic trend; its philosophical significance is revealed in the art and programmic statements of Ilya Kabakov and Vitaly Komar and Aleksandr Melamid, in Alexander Zinoviev's fiction, in Dmitry Prigov's poetry, articles and manifestos, and in Boris Groys's theoretical works. As a philosophy, Conceptualism presupposes that any system of thought is self-enclosed and has no correspondence with reality. The relationship between Conceptualism and Marxism is somewhat reminiscent of the dispute between nominalists (whose moderate version was also called "conceptualism") and realists in the epoch of the Medieval scholastics: whereas Marxists assert the historical reality of such concepts as collectivism, equality, and freedom, Conceptualists demonstrate that all these notions are contingent on mental structures or derived from linguistic structures. Therefore, from a Conceptualist standpoint, a "concept" is any idea–political, religious, moral–presented as an idea, without any reference to its real prototype or the possibility of realization. That is why Conceptualism, as a philosophy, is so strongly connected with art: the idea is used in its aesthetic capacity, as a verbal statement or visual projection of idea as such, so that all its factual or practical extensions are revealed as delusions. For example, conceptualists view totalitarian thinking, with its claims of all-encompassing truthfulness, as a kind of madness: a network of self-referential signs and internal consistencies forcefully imposed on external reality. When considering more properly philosophical ideas, Conceptualism creates parodies of metaphysical discourse, using, for example, Hegelian or Kantian rhetorical models for the description of such trivial objects as flies or garbage. This is not merely an attempt at the ironic deconstruction of traditional philosophy–it is also a project for the proliferation of new, multiple metaphysics, each of which consciously demonstrates the contingency of its central concept, be it Absolute Spirit in Hegel or a fly in Kabakov. Postmodernism is often criticized for its aestheticism and moral indifference, but Russian conceptualists emphasize the moral implications of metaphysical contingency, which undermines totalitarian and hegemonic discourse and promotes self-irony as a mode of humility. Conceptualism identifies itself as a predominantly Russian-Soviet mode of thinking. In the West, the correlation between ideological signs and observable reality has been persistently validated through scientific and economic practice; while in Russia, traditionally, reality itself has been constructed from ideological signs generated by its ruling minds as a kind of hyper-reality. Thus, Russian Conceptualism sees itself not as a mere replica of Western postmodernism, but as a reflection of the underlying structures of Russian history, where the signs of reality have always been subject to ideological manipulation.

Obwohl China sich seit etwa 30 Jahren kulturell wie auch politisch immer mehr zu öffnen beginnt, bleibt die chinesische Denkensweise bis auf einige Ausnahmen der westlichen Welt nach wie vor verschlossen. Die Ursprünge dafür liegen in der historischen Weltanschauung der Chinesen selbst. Die Chinesen, welche ihre Nation selbst "Das Reich der Mitte" nennen, waren in der Vergangenheit selten bestrebt, ihr Land zu verlassen, weil ihnen die restliche Welt prinzipiell nicht lebenswert erschien. Außerhalb ihrer Grenzen lebten die so genannten Barbaren, welche in historischen Zeiten von grausamen mongolischen Reiterstämmen verkörpert wurden, welche zeitlebens versuchten, China militärisch zu vereinnahmen und von denen sich die Chinesen somit zu schützen hatten. Deshalb erschufen sie ihre eigene Welt, eine Welt in der Welt, umschlossen von der tausende Meter langen "Großen Mauer" innerhalb derer sie sich sicher fühlten und somit kulturell weiterentwickeln konnten. Dieser Rückzug in einen abgeschlossenen Raum und nicht zuletzt der Rückzug in sich selbst legte den Grundstein für ihre Privaten Gärten, in welche sie ungestört einen Zugang zu einer besseren "Welt" hatten. Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit diesen kleinen privaten Gartenwelten, einem im Makrokosmos eingeschlossenen Mikrokosmos. Sie macht sich auf die Suche nach der Geschichte und den "religiösen" Hintergründen, welche diese kleinen aber gleichzeitig "unendlichen" Gärten erst möglich machten. Sie geht den Zusammenhängen von Zeit und Raum auf den Grund, eröffnet neue Sichtweisen über das Verhältnis von hell und dunkel und innen und außen, welche alle Teile eines alles umfassenden, übergeordneten "Großen" sind. Sie spannt einen Bogen zur Landschaftsmalerei und den Gärten selbst, welche sich wie ein roter Faden durch das gesamte Werk zieht, findet heraus, dass diese eine sehr enge Beziehung zum "Großen" aufweisen und setzt sich mit der Mitte des "Ganzen",mit der "Nullperspektive" auseinander, in welche der Mensch als wichtige Komponente am Ende fähig ist, einzutauchen um in den Himmel aufzusteigen. Alle diese Aspekte werden im zweiten Teil der Arbeit anhand von Rundgängen in drei verschiedenen Gärten in Suzhou wieder aufgegriffen, wo man letztendlich feststellen wird, dass Größe im architektonischen Raum nicht zwangsläufig zählt. ; Although China cultural as well as political is opening up since about thirty years, the Chinese manner of cerebration, except of few exemptions, still keeps a kind of secret for the most people in the western world. Primarily this has to do with the ancient Chinese ideology self. The Chinese, who are calling their country "The Empire of the Middle" were on principle in the past rarely attempted to leave their nation because the remaining world for them was not really liveable. Outside the boundaries, there lived the so called barbarians, who in ancient times mostly were embodied by brutal Mongolian tribes, who martially tried to infiltrate China and from them the Chinese had to protect. So, they created their own world, a world in the world, enclosed by the thousands of meters long Great Wall, inside of they felt confident and could develop further. This retirement in an enclosed space and last but not least the retirement in oneself paved finally the way for their private gardens, in which they could undisturbed find an access to a better "world". This essay will deal with these little enclosed private garden worlds, these micro-cosmos in a macro-cosmos. It consists of a searching for the history and the "religious" backgrounds, which first made enable these small but coevally "infinite" universes. It get to the bottom of the correlations between time and space, establish relationships between bright and dark and inside and outside, which all are parts of an all-containing, super-ordinate "Great". It makes close connections to landscape paintings and the gardens self, which as leitmotif threads through the whole text, will find out that they are close correlated to the "Great" and grapple with the center of the "Whole", with the "Zero-Perspective", in which the human as important part at least can dive in to touch the sky. All this aspects will be picked up again in the second part of the work at a walkabout through three famous Chinese gardens in Suzhou town, where finally ones will notice, that size does not necessarily count in architectural space. ; [submitted by Jürgen Hirschmann] ; Wien, Univ. für Bodenkultur, Dipl.-Arb., 2009 ; (VLID)1036095

Este artículo demuestra de qué maneras la historia de Inés de Hinojosa, escrita por primera vez por Juan Rodríguez Freyle en el capítulo X de EL Carnero, se repite en momentos claves de la historia cultural de Colombia. La primera de esas reescrituras Los tres Pedros en la red de Inés de Hinojosa de Temístocles Avella Mendoza (1864) se ajustó a las coordenadas del romanticismo y vivió el nacimiento de la república. La otra versión, la de Próspero Morales Pradilla Los pecados de Inés de Hinojosa (1986), forma parte del ciclo literario que se generó a fines de los años 80 y a comienzos de los 90 y tuvo como fin repensar los cinco siglos de la invasión de los europeos al Nuevo Mundo. Además, es una obra de la modernidad literaria en la cual el tema de la nación ocupa un lugar central en la cultura. Esa narración de adulterio y crimen ha generado una matriz de significado (que se continúa en versiones de televisión) al articular dos ejes semánticos: el político y el sexual por medio de "la parábola de la doncella huérfana". Dicha parábola une los conceptos de Nueva Granada-tierra y mujer sobrepasando los límites de la alcoba y de la sociedad tunjana para convertirse en microcosmos de la sociedad colombiana de épocas diversas. Desde allí se reflexiona sobre las varias formas en que se ha pensado la identidad nacional y el coloniaje y sobre los cambios que han afectado la situación de las mujeres, el amor y el matrimonio. ; This article examines the story of Inés de Hinojosa, written originally by Juan Rodríguez Freyle in Chapter X of El carnero, a story that treats events occurring between 1561 and 1571, pertinent to the historic and social development of Colombia, and one that was repeated at key moments of the cultural history of Colombia. The rewritings of this story of adultery and crime are useful for understanding decisive aspects of the formation of the literature and culture of the country. The first of these rewritings is Los tres Pedros en la red de Inés de Hinojosa by Themistocles Avella Mendoza (1864), a novel attuned to the coordinates of Romanticism and the experience of the birth of the Republic. Another version, by Próspero Morales Pradilla, Los pecados de Inés de Hinojosa (1986), is part of the literary trends of the late 1980s and early 1990s which focused on rethinking the five centuries of European invasion of the New World. In fact, El Carnero is a work of literary modernity in which the theme of the nation occupies a central place. Inés de Hinojosa's story has generated a matrix of meaning (which continues in television versions) articulating two semantic axes: the political and sexual, through "the parable of the orphan girl." This parable unifies the concepts of New Granada and women beyond the limits of the bedroom in the society of early modern Tunja, in order to depict a microcosm of Colombian society in different eras. The rewritingsof the story of Inés de Hinojosa allow us to consider the ways in which national identity and colonialism have been constructed and how these changed ideologies have affected the conceptions of women, love and marriage.

Von Anfang 2000 bis zum Herbst 2008 wurde die SGB III-Förderung der beruflichen Weiterbildung von Arbeitslosen (FbW) aus Mitteln des Europäischen Sozialfonds (ESF) ergänzt. Von 116.000 Förderfällen entfielen rund 80 Prozent auf die Jahre 2000 bis 2002. Für die Teilnehmer/innen dieser drei Jahre wird in diesem Bericht eine Wirkungsanalyse vorgestellt. Erfolgsmaßstab nach der Teilnahme ist erstens die Aufnahme einer Erwerbstätigkeit überhaupt und zweitens der Übergang in ungeförderte sozialversicherungspflichtige Beschäftigung. Als Vergleichsgruppen werden arbeitslose Nichteilnehmer/innen herangezogen sowie Teilnehmer/innen ohne ergänzende ESF-Hilfen. Soweit möglich wurden dabei auch getrennte Analysen für Subgruppen durchgeführt (West/Ost, Nichtleistungsbezieher/innen des SGB III, Männer/Frauen und in einem Exkurs gesondert Migranten mit und ohne zusätzliche Sprachförderung). Empirische Grundlage sind die Längsschnittdaten aus repräsentativen Panel-Befragungen (2003/2004 und 2006) der ESF-geförderten Teilnehmer/innen und der Vergleichsgruppen, wobei die Stichproben der Vergleichspersonen mit einem exakten Vormatching mit Prozessdaten gezogen wurden. Durchgängig wurden für die Analysen ereignisanalytische Verfahren angewendet (nur zum Teil auch Propensity Score Matching, mit dem nur Statuswahrscheinlichkeiten, aber keine Übergangswahrscheinlichkeiten ermittelt werden können). Zunächst wurden die Übergangsraten für den maximalen Beobachtungszeitraum von sechs Jahren verglichen (Kaplan-Meier-Schätzer). Anschließend wurde der Teilnahmeeffekt modellbasiert bei Kontrolle weiterer Einflussfaktoren (u.a. personelle Merkmale, regionale und Maßnahmeheterogenität, Arbeitsuchverhalten) geschätzt (Cox-Regression). Weil die Analyse im Unterschied zu den ersten Untersuchungen der Begleitforschung jetzt mit den Längsschnittdaten aus den Befragungen und mit differenzierteren Analyseverfahren erfolgen konnte, sind die bisher vorläufigen Befunde nun überholt. Anders als zuvor kann hier als übergreifendes Ergebnis ein eindeutig positiver Befund zum individuellen Nutzen der ergänzenden ESF-Förderung festgehalten werden. Im Vergleich zu nichtteilnehmenden Arbeitslosen waren die ESF-geförderten Teilnehmer/innen (insbesondere in Westdeutschland und die Nichtleistungsbezieher/innen) in mittlerer und längerer Frist betrachtet auf dem Arbeitsmarkt erfolgreicher. Auch im Vergleich zur beruflichen Weiterbildung ohne ESF-Unterstützung sprechen die Befunde für eine positive Bilanz. ; The promotion of further vocational training for unemployed persons according to SGB III was supplemented by the European Social Fund (ESF) from the beginning of 2000 to autumn 2008. 80 per cent of the total of 116,000 promoted cases are allocated to the years 2000 to 2002. An impact analysis is presented in this report covering the population participating in these years. Outcomes subsequent to participation are measured, firstly, by the fact whether participants entered into employment at all and, secondly, by transition into non-subsidized employment liable to social security. Unemployed non-participants and participants without additional ESF-funding serve as comparison groups. Separate analyses were run for subgroups where possible (West/East Germans, non-recipients of benefits according to SGB III, male/female participants and, in an excursus, migrants with and without additional language courses). The analysis is empirically based on the longitudinal data from representative panel surveys of ESF-funded participants and comparison groups whose samples were drawn on the basis of exact pre-matching with process-produced data. The method of event history analysis was applied throughout the study (partly supplemented by propensity score matching, which, however, can estimate status probabilities but not probabilities of transition). First of all, transition rates for the overall observation period of six years were compared (Kaplan-Meier estimator). In the following the effect of participation was estimated in a Cox regression, taking into account further explanatory factors (such as personal characteristics, regional and program-related heterogeneity, job-seekers' behaviour). Since, other than earlier studies, this analysis was conducted with longitudinal survey data using more elaborate methods, the results of preliminary findings are obsolete now. In contrast to earlier findings, a clearly positive effect of supplementary ESF-funding on individual benefits can be found. Compared to unemployed nonparticipants, participants supported by the ESF were more successful on the labour market in the medium and long run (especially participants in West Germany and the group of non-recipients of statutory benefits). With reference to further vocational training without ESF-funding, the results point to positive outcomes as well.

The aim of the paper is to reflect the political activities of the Roman Catholic Church in two periods of the history of Latvia and the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia – in the period of First Independence of the Republic of Latvia, basically in the 1920s, and in the period following the restoration of Latvia's independence. With the foundation of the independent state of Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church experienced several changes; - bishops of the Roman Catholic Church were elected from among the people; - the Riga diocese was restored the administrative borders of which were coordinated with the borders of the state of Latvia; - priests of the Roman Catholic Church were acting also in political parties and in the Latvian Parliament. For the Church leadership, active involvement of clergymen in politics was, on the one hand, a risky undertaking (Francis Trasuns' experience), but, on the other hand, a necessary undertaking, since in this way the Roman Catholic Church attempted to exercise control over politicians and also affect the voters in the elections for the Saeima. The status of the Church in the State of Latvia was legally secured by the concordat signed in the spring of 1922 which provided for a range of privileges to the Roman Catholic Church: - other Christian denominations in Latvia are functioning in accordance with the regulations elaborated by the State Control and confirmed by the Ministry of the Interior, but the Roman Catholic Church is functioning according to the canons set by the Vatican; - releasing the priests from military service, introduction of the Chaplaincy Institution; - releasing the churches, seminary facilities, bishops' apartments from taxes; - a license for the activity of Roman Catholic orders; - the demand to deliver over one of the church buildings belonging to Riga Evangelical Lutherans to the Roman Catholics. With the regaining of Latvia's independence, the Roman Catholic Church of Latvia again took a considerable place in the formation of the public opinion and also in politics. However, unlike the parliamentarian period of the independent Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church prohibited the priests to involve directly in politics and considered it unadvisable to use the word "Christian" in the titles of political parties. Nowadays, the participation of the Roman Catholic Church in politics is indirect. The Church is able to influence the public opinion, and actually it does. The Roman Catholic Church does not attempt to grasp power, but to a certain extent it can, at least partly, influence the authorities so that they count with the interests of Catholic believers. Increase of popularity of the Roman Catholic Church in the world facilitated also the increase of the role of the Roma Catholic Church in Latvia. The visit of the Pope in Latvia in 1993 was a great event not only for the Catholic believers but also for the whole state of Latvia. In the autumn of 2002, in Rome, a concordat was signed between the Republic of Latvia and the Vatikan which is to be classified not only as an agreement between the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia and the state of Latvia but also as an international agreement. Since the main foreign policy aim of Latvia is integration in the European Union and strengthening its positions on the international arena, Vatican as a powerful political force was and still is a sound guarantee and support in international relations.

An earlier version of this paper was presented in Workshop 9: 'Changing Party Political Constellations and Public Policy Reform in Southern Europe' at the Tenth Mediterranean Research Meeting, Florence & Montecatini Terme, 25-28 March 2009, organised by the Mediterranean Programme of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute. ; The purpose of this paper is to explore the question of small and incremental reform in Turkish minority policies over the last two decades, contrasting with the dramatic economic, social, and political changes that the country has experienced over the same period. The main focus will be on two partly overlapping groups living in Turkey (Alevis and Kurds); comparison with other Southern European countries will be made as background reference. The reason for this focus is analytical: these two groups are structurally different from minorities found in Italy or Greece in that they are both large enough to carry great electoral weight and politically salient enough to affect Turkey's EU accession prospects. Minority policy is an often overlooked realm of public policy, either because it is considered too sensitive or too case-specific, as opposed to fiscal, labor, family, and immigration policy, which, at least in the European context, are now typically examined and compared by scholars on a more transnational framework. However, minority policy broadly defined (as the recognition and treatment of sections of the population identified as belonging to a special cultural heritage) touches upon a number of diverse policy areas including civil rights, education, regional development, relations between religion and state, language, culture, and national security. In Turkey minority policy in official discourse has historically been linked to the non-Muslim minorities protected by the Treaty of Lausanne, whereas Alevis and Kurds were traditionally accorded no special recognition under the Kemalist Republic. The first part of the paper attempts to theoretically situate minority policy in the context of competitive party politics. What is puzzling about Turkey is why given a climate of increased democratization and confidence after the suppression of the PKK insurgency, the Turkish party system has not been more responsive to the long-standing grievances of Kurds and Alevis. Partly based on existing literature, the author posits that a constellation of factors is necessary for policy reform on minority issues to proceed in a democratic system: the mobilization of the minority group(s) in question and either high external pressure on the state to satisfy minority demands or significant electoral competition for the minority's votes or participation in government of a party that monopolizes the minority vote and is ideologically committed to its agenda. The second part of the paper briefly discusses the history of state attitudes towards Kurds and Alevis in Turkey, as well as more recent developments including the reforms on Kurdish language rights, the abortive Çamuroğlu recommendations regarding Alevi pious foundations, DTP's entry in parliament, and the constitutional amendment process launched by AKP. The third and final part of the paper explains why Turkey's party system for a long time lacked the necessary preconditions for more groundbreaking policy changes, underlining the importance of external pressure from the EU as an engine for reform. ; (Product of workshop No. 9 at the 10th MRM 2009).

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY One of the aims of the National Centre for Research Methods (NCRM) is to identify and foster methodological innovation in the UK. The aim of this project was to identify methodological innovations outside the UK and draw NCRM's attention to them. The project sought out research practices that have not yet filtered through to typical research methods courses or that impact on the research process in novel ways. These usually entailed (i) technological innovation, (ii) the use of existing theoretical approaches and methods in new ways and (iii) interdisciplinary. The project's focus on innovative research practices ranged from data collection to analysis and covered disciplines such as (social) psychology, sociology, social work, socio-legal studies, political science (including public health and public policy) and international studies, (social) geography (area studies, demography, environmental and urban planning), (social) anthropology, (socio-)linguistics, education, communication studies, economic and social history, economics (management and business studies), science and technology studies, statistics, methods and computing. The work was conducted between October 2008 and March 2009 and written up in April and May 2009. The project gathered evidence by reviewing previous reports, carrying out desktop research, conducting an e-mail survey with academics, practitioners, research methods experts and others (N=215) - registering data entries in the form of nominations of experts, institutions and links to explore (N=670) - and holding interviews with gatekeepers (N=36) and telephone interviews with nominated experts (N=40). The project concluded, firstly, that innovative methodologies usually entail the use of one or more technological innovation(s) (visual, digital or online). This could be the advent of new software or the development of online methods and the use of the Internet to conduct research. Secondly, innovative methodologies often entail crossing disciplinary boundaries. This is observed in combinations of disciplines and methods such as in ethnography, anthropology and psychology. Thirdly, innovative methodologies often entail the use of existing theoretical approaches and methods in reformed or mixed and applied ways. This is observed in participatory methods, action research, professional work, social and consultancy work. Finally, innovative methodologies reside both inside traditional academic institutions (universities) and outside (research centres, institutes, consultancy agencies and organisations), yet even in the latter methods developers and experts usually have academic backgrounds and previous or current affiliations, status or posts. Overall, psychology figured prominently in methodological innovations and developments followed by survey methodology, ethnography, sociology and management. These developments were classified into mixed (N=8), qualitative (N=7) and quantitative (N=7) types of research. The institutional structures identified as 'hosting' these developments are primarily Academic followed by both Academic and Professional, then Research Centres and finally Professional and Consultancy institutions. The majority of the innovations are a consequence of working across disciplinary boundaries, followed by developments within methods and disciplines and then by developments in technology. Innovations were mainly spotted in North America – the USA and Canada – Italy, Germany and the Netherlands. The report includes summary descriptions of the methodological innovations located by the project. As a follow up to this project a workshop will be organised to bring together some of the developers and experts identified of these innovations. The workshop is planned to be adjacent to the NCRM Research Methods Festival to be held in July 2010.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an interesting case study and has become a singular opinion phenomenon. Informing and interpreting this issue is in no way an easy task. In this region the « battle » of the image, precedes and accompanies the battle of weapons. The objective of this thesis is to discover, throughout the detailed study of different editorials; the approach, the trends and the nuances that are given in the Spanish journals of reference: ABC, El País, El Mundo and La Vanguardia, to the information coming from the Middle East in the period 1993-2004. The whole investigation supports itself in two complementary pillars: The recent History and the discourse analysis of the periodical texts. With the historical study, an approach is made to the Holy Land´s context, the Spanish foreign policy of the last decades, and the path traced by each communication agency. On the other hand, the discourse analysis applies to the editorials in order to deduce the characteristics, both in form and style, of each of the journals and more specific aspects in regards to the conflict: the judgment made to each of the parties involved; the follow up and analysis made of the peace process; the prejudice or stereotypes that are raised by the public opinion and finally the « vision » that the different journals have in regards to the participation of USA and the EU. Both pillars help discover the power that the press has when constructing an image about the conflict in Spain and also which are the ideological and political views in which each of the journals faces and handles the conflict. ; El conflicto palestino-israelí es un interesante caso de estudio y se ha convertido en un singular fenómeno de opinión. Informar e interpretar esta cuestión no es un asunto sencillo. En esta región, tan llena de significados, la batalla de la imagen precede y acompaña la de las armas. El objetivo de esta tesis doctoral es descubrir, mediante un estudio detallado de los artículos editoriales, el enfoque, las tendencias y los matices que dan los periódicos de referencia españoles: ABC, El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia, a la información proveniente de Oriente Próximo entre 1993 y 2004. Toda la investigación se apoya en dos pilares complementarios: la Historia del presente y el análisis instrumental retórico de los textos periodísticos. Con el estudio histórico se hace un acercamiento al contexto de Tierra Santa, la política exterior española de las últimas décadas y el camino que ha recorrido cada empresa periodística. Mientras que, el análisis del discurso se aplica a 448 editoriales para deducir las características formales y estilísticas de cada periódico y aspectos más específicos en relación al conflicto: el modo en que juzgan a los diferentes actores; el seguimiento y balance que hacen del proceso de paz; los prejuicios o estereotipos que alimenta la opinión pública española y la visión que tienen los diarios sobre el papel de EE.UU y la UE. Ambos métodos se complementan y ayudan a descubrir el influjo que ejerce la prensa de referencia en la construcción del imaginario colectivo español frente al conflicto y cuáles son los presupuestos ideológicos y políticos con que los diarios afrontan y tratan el conflicto.

ÖZETAnadolu İhtilalinin siyaset arenasına bir armağanı olan CHP, iktidarda bulunduğu 27 yıl süresince ve de iktidarı demokratik yöntemlerle devrettiği süreç boyunca Cumhuriyet Türkiyesinin kaderinde söz sahibi olmuştur. Cumhuriyetle yaşıt olan Parti, tarihi boyunca çeşitli yıllarda revizyona gitme ihtiyacı hissetmiş ancak asıl dönüşümünü, 1965 yılında Genel Başkan İnönü'nün Ortanın Solunda bulundukları beyanatını vermesi ile gerçekleştirmiştir. Parti devlet anlayışını temsil eden CHP'nin, mevkisi konusunda Ortanın Solunun adres gösterilmesi, hem Parti içinde bulunan muhalif kanadın harekete geçmesini sağlamış hem de siyasi yelpazede yer edinen sağ muhalefet partilerinin tepki göstermesine neden olmuştur. Bu muhalefet hareketini sonlandırmak ya da söyleme yönelik takındıkları tutumu değiştirmek için ise önderliğini Bülent Ecevit'in üstlendiği Ortanın Solunun kavramsallaştırılması seferberliği ilan edilmiştir.Bülent Ecevit ve arkadaşları tarafından kavramsal çerçevesi oluşturulan Ortanın Solu, merkezinde yer verdiği demokrasi kavramının etrafında ekonomi, eğitim gibi bir ülke için yaşamsal öneme sahip olan sahalarla ilgili açılımlar sunmuştur. Bunun yanında on yıl aralıkla gerçekleşen Türkiye'nin ikinci askeri müdahalesi 12 Mart ise, CHP'de yeni kapıların aralanmasına vesile olmuştur. Müdahalenin, Ortanın Soluna verildiğini söyleyen Bülent Ecevit, müdahale sonrası CHP'deki Genel Sekreterlik görevinden ayrılmıştır. Kısa süreli bir ayrılık olan bu durum Bülent Ecevit'in CHP Genel Başkanı seçilmesi ile bitmiş ve hem Türkiye hem de CHP için yepyeni bir sayfa açılmıştır. Genel Başkanlığı sonrasında gerçekleştirdiği icraatlarla, Karaoğlan efsanesini yazdıran Ecevit, Ortanın Solu kavramı ile birlikte Sosyal Demokrasi kavramını seslendirmiş, kısa bir süre sonra da Sosyal Demokrasi kavramının Partinin ideolojisi olmasını sağlamıştır.SUMMARY CHP, a gift to the political arena from the Anatolian Revolution, has had a voice in the fate of Republic Turkey for 27 years while in power and while assigning the competence with democratic methods. Party, same age as the Commonwealth, had the need to go for revision in its history however realized its conversion in year 1965 when the General President İnonu made a declaration stating that they are in the Left-of-Centre. CHP, representing the understanding of the party state, showing the Left-of-Centre as its address made both the Party and dissident wings to take action and caused the right opposition parties of the political spectrum to react. To end the opposition acts or change the attitude maintained towards the statement, the conceptual mobilization of the Left-of-Centre has been declared with Bulent Ecevit as the leader.Left-of-Centre, formed within the conceptual framework by Bulent Ecevit and his friends, has offered an insight into fields vital for a country such as economy, education. Also on 12th March, the second military intervention in Turkey within 10 years, it conduced to CHP opening new doors. Bulent Ecevit stating that the intervention was given to the Left-of-Centre resigned from his CHP General Secretary position after the intervention. This short separation ended with Bulent Ecevit being elected as the General President of CHP and a new page opened for both Turkey and CHP. After realizing the practices after his appointment as the General President, Ecevit, inditing the Karaoglan legend, has voiced the concept of Social Democracy with the concept of Left-of-Centre and provided the concept of Social Democracy to be the ideology of the Party after a short time.

Abstract The Early State (TES), published in 1978, represented an ambitious initiative that sought to develop a theoretical understanding of the evolution of the state on the basis of case studies by a multi-disciplinary team of scholars studying varied geographical, and cultural zones. Studies on Angkor, China, Kachari, Maurya and the Mongol state formations were analyses of type of Asian states. A noteworthy aspect of the volume is the impact of the theory of the Asiatic Mode of Production (AMP) outlined by Marx and Engels on the delineation of the theoretical basis of the Early State, with Lawrence Krader's variant of AMP forming its core. However, in emphasizing on the 'bridging function' of the state, the editors diverge from traditional Marxist interpretations. The Early State witnessed the division of society into two social groups, those involved in manual or mental exertion, with those drawn from among the latter exercising ruling power. This phase included experiments with 'democratic' forms of polity, when individuals of 'commoner' origin found it possible to ascend to even the ruler's position. The decision taken by the editors to de-emphasize 'despotism' in the characterization of Early State is clearly a welcome move. Association of king with divinity was widespread in Asia, but possibility of revolt was a deterrent to despotic tendencies. It is suggested that the importance of irrigation as one of the factors in the development of the state deserves investigation. A ruler with superior authority over chiefdoms would have been most convenient when the need arose for canals cutting across territories of chiefdoms or for reservoirs of large capacity requiring extensive mobilization of labour. The alienation of village communities from the strategic resource of irrigation water probably took place only with the appearance of large-scale reservoirs and interrelated irrigation systems equipped with sluice devices enabling owners to either release or withhold the outflow of water. Intensification of inequality was probably more evident between rather than within village settlements. The less fortunate settlements that found it difficult to produce the requisite quota of food were reduced to performing service functions in return for surplus produce from their relatively affluent neighbours. Not adequately recognized in discussions on irrigation society has been the fact that irrigation water was also exchanged in return for an additional share of the harvest. Parallel to the extraction of the surplus by the state, there were institutions (e.g., temples and monasteries) and individuals that also extracted a part of the surplus on the strength of their ownership of irrigation works. A state of society prior to the appearance of property may well be hypothesized and built into theory as the editors have done. There may yet be a case for AMP to be modified (or restored!) to be in conformity with Marx's later, more mature and considered positions. Historians and anthropologists who carefully read TES will be thoroughly convinced that in providing a theoretical understanding of the pioneer stage in state formation in human history, Claessen and Skalník have made a most significant scholarly contribution. It is hoped that the preliminary review presented here would lead to a joint project in the future for a more comprehensive examination of the origin of the state in Asia.

Bu tezde Türkiye ? Avrupa Birliği müzakere sürecinin Türk basınındaki yeri incelenmiştir.3 Ekim 2005 tarihinde başlayan katılım müzakereleri halen sürmektedir. Bu çalışma kapsamında yapılan basın taramasında zaman ve kaynak açısından sınırlandırmaya gidilerek müzakerelerin başlamasından önceki 1 Eylül 2005 tarihi taramanın başlangıcı, 15 Nisan 2008 tarihi ise bitişi olarak alınmıştır. Basın kaynağı olarak ise Cumhuriyet, Milli Gazete, Milliyet, Radikal, Yeniçağ ve Zaman gazeteleri kullanılmıştır. Bunun yanı sıra; konunun geçmişinin daha iyi anlaşılması ve gelecek hakkında fikir edinilebilmesi amacı ile Avrupa Birliği'nin tarihsel kökenleri ve yapısı, Türkiye - Avrupa Birliği ilişkilerinin geçmişi, müzakere sürecinin yapısı da çalışma kapsamına dahil edilmiştir.Bu tezde, Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği üyeliği yolunda yıllardır gerçekleştirdiği aşamalar, hem müzakere öncesinde hem de müzakere sürecinde yaşanan olumlu ve olumsuz gelişmeler kronolojik olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Basın taraması haricindeki bölümlerde gerek kitaplar, dergiler, yayımlanmış seminer ve sempozyumlar gerekse güvenilir internet siteleri kaynak olarak kullanılmıştır.Tez üç aşamalı olarak hazırlanmıştır. Birinci bölümde; Avrupa Birliği'nin genişleme süreçleri, kurumsal yapısı ve Türkiye - Avrupa Birliği İlişkileri ele alınmıştır. İkinci Bölümde; müzakere sürecinin yapısı ve işleyiş şekli incelenmiş ayrıca tezin temelini oluşturan `basın taraması'na beş temel başlık altında yer verilmiştir. Üçüncü ve son bölümde ise; Türkiye - Avrupa Birliği ilişkilerinin gelecekteki muhtemel durumu irdelenmiştir.Halen devam eden ve sonuçları önceden kestirilemeyen Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği'ne katılım müzakere sürecinin ne zaman ve nasıl sonuçlanacağı tüm dünyada merak konusudur. ; In this thesis, the place of `the Turkey - European Union negotiation process? in the Turkish press has been studied.The accession negotiations, which started in October 3, 2005, are still progressing. In the press screening, which has been carried out within the context of this study, a limitation of time and resource has been applied and September 1, 2005, a date just before the beginning of the negotiations, has been taken as the start of the screening, and April 15, 2008 as the end. As the press source; Cumhuriyet, Milli Gazete, Milliyet, Radikal, Yeniçağ and Zaman newspapers were used. Besides this; in order to understand the past of the subject and to have a better idea about the future, the historical roots and the structure of the European Union, the history of Turkey and European Union relations and also the structure of the process of accession negotiations have been added to the study.In this thesis, the stages Turkey has achieved on the way towards the European Union membership, the positive and negative advancements experienced before and during the negotiations have been chronologically assessed. In the parts except for the press screening not only books, magazines, published seminars and symposiums but also, trustworthy web sites have been used as resources.The thesis has been prepared in three stages. In the first stage; the enlargement processes of the European Union, the institutional structure and Turkey ? European Union relations have been tackled. In the second part; the structure of the negotiation process and the way it works has been studied, moreover the press screening which serves as the basis of this thesis has been presented here under five base titles. In the third and the last part; the possible condition of the Turkish ? European Union Relations in the future has been scrutinized.It is an issue of concern in the World when and how the ongoing and unpredictable accession negotiation process between Turkey and The European Union will be concluded.

Şüphesiz uluslararası sistem içinde dış politikada beliren rekabet tarihsel bir olgudur. Devletler tarihin hemen her döneminde ekonomik, siyasal ve kültürel alanda güç mücadelesine girmişlerdir. Nitekim tarihin her döneminde olduğu gibi 20. yüzyılda da, özellikle 1990'lı yıllardan sonra Kafkasya ve Orta Asya Cumhuriyetlerinin bağımsızlıklarını kazanmaları ve enerji kaynaklarının zenginliği nedeni ile bu bölgelerde önemli güç mücadeleleri yaşanmaya başlanmıştır. Dünya enerji talebinin artması, Orta Asya ve Kafkas petrol ve doğalgaz rezervlerinin uluslararası piyasalara taşınmasını zorunlu kılmıştır. Bundan dolayı, bölge enerji kaynaklarının hangi boru hatlarıyla dünya piyasalarına açılacakları konusu yanında, boru hattı güzergâhlarının kimin kontrolünde olacağı da önemli bir sorun olmuştur. Bu nedenle bölge devletleri ve uluslararası güçler arasında stratejik çıkar çatışmaları ve işbirlikleri yaşanmaktadır.ABD bölgede izlediği enerji politikasında yalnızca enerji kaynaklarını himayesi altına almak amacının dışında, bu mevcut enerji kaynaklarını Rusya, İran, Çin ve diğer karşı odaklara karşı koruma refleksi de göstererek hareket etmek durumundadır. Çalışma dahilinde ABD'nin bölgedeki enerji politikaları bu odaklar ekseninde değerlendirilmiştir.Tezin birinci bölümünde, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya bölgelerinin jeopolitik önemi ve dünya siyasetindeki yeri incelenmiş; ikinci bölümde Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'daki enerji kaynaklarının içeriği değerlendirilmiştir. Bölgenin enerji rezervleri ve bu rezervlerin nasıl kullanıldığı yine bu bölümün konuları arasındadır. Üçüncü bölümde ise ABD'nin Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'ya yönelik stratejik, politik ve askeri politikaları değerlendirilmiş ve özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde değişen ABD politikaları incelenmiştir. Dördüncü bölümde ise, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'ya yönelik enerji politikaları ve ABD'nin bu politikalar içindeki yeri ve stratejisi üzerinde durulmuştur. ; In the international system there?s no doubt that challenge of foreign policy is a historical issue. States had always been in a struggle about economical, political and cultural domains almost in every period of history. In the 20th century likewise in any period of time, especially after 1990?s, following the freedom of Caucasus and Central Asia Goverments and enhanced importance of energy resources, these regions embraced influential power endeavors. After the world energy demand soared, transfer of Central Asia and Caucasus oil and natural gas resources to international markets became an indispensable necessity. That?s why not only the routes of the new pipelines issue that will let out energy resources to world consumption, but also the predomination of these pipelines took a prominent place. Because of that conflicts of vantage and collaborations between Region States and international powers.In that region USA essays to prevail energy resources according to its energy policy and moreover impels in a direction to fond off Russia, Iran Chine and other opponents. In this study, energy policy of USA in that region is contemplated around those aimed objectives.In this section of thesis, geopolitical importance and the position in the international policy of the Caucasus and Central Asia has been analyzed, while in the second section components of energy resources of Caucasus and Central Asia has been evaluated. Also energy resources and the consumption of those reserves are explamed in that section. In the third section, USA?s military, strategic and political policies about Caucas and Central Asia have been evaluated and especially the policies of USA which were changed afterward of Cold War were analyzed. Forth and last section, the world?s policies about Caucas and Central Asia?s energy sources and the place of USA and its strategy in these policies were underlined.