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The Iraqi state has a long history of division between Sunnis and Shiites. This conflict has often been violent and continues even today. Ultimately, this division dates back to the seventh century after the death of Muhammad. In order to better understand why there is a conflict between Sunnis and Shiites in Iraq and not other countries, it is essential to understand the similarities and differences between their ideologies but also how they have been rooted against each other throughout history. Therefore, I begin with a description of the similarities and differences between Sunnis and Shiites to show the common beliefs of both Sunnis and Shiites regarding the Islamic religion and why it is important to respect their differences. Then, it is necessary to determine how the conflict between Sunnis and Shiites in Iraq began and why it continues today. Lastly, using this knowledge, I will make recommendations to improve the current Iraqi government through a revised consociational democracy model in order to resolve conflict between Sunnis and Shiites.

While calling for culturally sensitive healthcare services in migrant communities, the international nursing literature on intercultural care predominantly describes nursing staff as lacking cultural competences and immigrant customers as lacking cleverness to navigate the labyrinths of national healthcare systems. Congruences in language, culture and religion in the customer-caregiver relationship can decisively improve the quality of care. However, they do not automatically guarantee smooth working processes in monocultural in-home settings. On the contrary, new problems occur here for Turkish caregivers which are unknown to the legions of native professionals who feel challenged by migrants and which go beyond differences such as age, sex, income or education. While no cultural or religious brokering is necessary between customers and personnel in the given context in Germany, new challenges arise when caregivers are expected to legally broker between customers and insurance companies or doctors. Conflicting expectations of customers and management as well as their own colliding social and professional roles put the caregivers in a quandary and must be competently managed.

This article explains why elite classes participate in religiously motivated peasant rebellions. This question is important because, although elite resources are required to overcome collective action barriers, extant research ignores why elites collaborate in religiously motivated peasant rebellions. The article compares the Moplah Rebellion in colonial India, the Cristero Rebellion in revolutionary Mexico, and the Chimurenga Rebellion in white-controlled Zimbabwe to test three common explanations for elite participation: low inequality between elites and peasants; moderate political repression or opportunity; and shared religious organizations with the peasantry. The findings demonstrate that elite cooperation is critically contingent on shared religion because it creates cross-class ideologies and lowers the costs of participation by elites. However, the effects of inequality of wealth and political opportunities are inconclusive. By doing so, the article introduces a theory of elite participation that can be tested and refined to understand ongoing religiously motivated rebellions in agrarian societies as disparate as Pakistan, Nigeria, and the Philippines.

В данной работе рассматривается Американская республиканская партия, возникшая в 1843 г. и активно действовавшая до 1847 г. Это была нативистская организация, боровшаяся с влиянием в стране национальных меньшинств и противодействовавшая массовому притоку иностранцев в период, предшествовавший Гражданской войне. В США понятие «нативизм» использовалось для обозначения идеологии урожденных, коренных американцев протестантского вероисповедания, недовольных иммигрантами и иммиграцией из католических стран. Американский нативизм оказался на подъеме в 1840-е гг., став важным политическим фактором. ; The article is dedicated to the American Republican Party, which had originated in 1843 and was active until 1847. It was the Nativist organization, which struggled against the influence of national minorities in the country and resisted the mass influx of foreigners in the period before the Civil War. In the USA the notion "Nativism" was used for the ideology identification of the native Americans of Protestant religion, who were dissatisfied with immigrants and immigration from Catholic countries. American Nativism was on the rise in the 1840s and became an important political factor.

This report explores the variables related to partisan selective media exposure, a process by which people select media outlets and content consistent with their political predispositions. This study employs national survey data ( N = 876) during the month of October 2012 immediately prior to the U.S. presidential election. Political orientation (i.e., liberal, moderate, or conservative) served as the dependent variable. The analysis revealed that political orientation was related to gender, race, and religion. The civic engagement variables of participation in a church project and participation in volunteer work within one's community were also related. Finally, the results suggest that conservatives were most prone to use conservative talk radio, Christian radio and TV, and Fox News. Liberals were more prone to use PBS and Facebook. As such, the data indicate that audience members appear to seek out partisan media and messages consistent with their political leanings. The implications of partisan selective media exposure concerning the development of political knowledge are discussed.

Politicians who proclaim both their skepticism about global warming and their conservative religious credentials leave the impression that conservative Protestants may be more skeptical about scientists' claims regarding global warming than others. The history of the relationship between conservative Protestantism and science on issues such as evolution also suggests that there may be increased skepticism. Analyzing the 2006 and 2010 General Social Survey, we find no evidence that conservative Protestantism leads respondents to have less belief in the conclusiveness of climate scientists' claims. However, a second type of skepticism of climate scientists is an unwillingness to follow scientists' public policy recommendations. We find that conservative Protestantism does lead to being less likely to want environmental scientists to influence the public policy debate about what to do about climate change. Existing sociological research on the relationship between religion and science suggests that this stance is due to a long-standing social/moral competition between conservative Protestantism and science.

This study examines the interplay between ethnicity, religious affiliation, and income levels to understand differences in managing money. Asset allocation decisions among 730 Caucasian and ethnic Chinese were examined. Respondents in Australia, Canada, and China revealed their monetary decisions in an online survey. Multivariate analysis of variance was used to examine differences and interaction effects between ethnic, religious, and income groups. The study found that for the higher-income respondents, asset allocation decisions converged despite differences in ethnic and religious background. In the lower-income segment, asset allocation decisions varied along ethnic lines. These differences were further compounded by their religious background. The implications of this study of management are twofold: the high-income group can be treated as one segment, for example, from the international marketing segmentation perspective. On the other hand, respondents in the low-income bracket diverged in their investment strategies on the basis of ethnicity and religion. As such, they ought to be treated separately according to their values.

Politicians who proclaim both their skepticism about global warming and their conservative religious credentials leave the impression that conservative Protestants may be more skeptical about scientists' claims regarding global warming than others. The history of the relationship between conservative Protestantism and science on issues such as evolution also suggests that there may be increased skepticism. Analyzing the 2006 and 2010 General Social Survey, we find no evidence that conservative Protestantism leads respondents to have less belief in the conclusiveness of climate scientists' claims. However, a second type of skepticism of climate scientists is an unwillingness to follow scientists' public policy recommendations. We find that conservative Protestantism does lead to being less likely to want environmental scientists to influence the public policy debate about what to do about climate change. Existing sociological research on the relationship between religion and science suggests that this stance is due to a long-standing social/moral competition between conservative Protestantism and science. © 2013 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht.

The Scottish independence referendum debate, like the Act of Union of 1707, has significant religious dimensions. The Act gave special recognition through the monarch to the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The Church, a national church, has not yet declared a position on independence, but is seeking to protect its existing privileges whatever the result. The Roman Catholic Church, recognised by the Scottish Parliament, unlike its formal rejection by the UK Parliament and monarchy, symbolically associates itself with the case for independence. Paradoxically, Catholics supporting independence subject themselves, in their religious lives, to an authoritarian foreign power. The SNP Scottish Government attempts to draw Roman Catholic support for independence from its traditional support base in the Labour Party by cultivating a sense of religious grievance that is not justified by the evidence. Old religious divisions are still relevant but non‐religion is growing fast and resulting in new perspectives on the independence debate.

Politicians who proclaim both their skepticism about global warming and their conservative religious credentials leave the impression that conservative Protestants may be more skeptical about scientists' claims regarding global warming than others. The history of the relationship between conservative Protestantism and science on issues such as evolution also suggests that there may be increased skepticism. Analyzing the 2006 and 2010 General Social Survey, we find no evidence that conservative Protestantism leads respondents to have less belief in the conclusiveness of climate scientists' claims. However, a second type of skepticism of climate scientists is an unwillingness to follow scientists' public policy recommendations. We find that conservative Protestantism does lead to being less likely to want environmental scientists to influence the public policy debate about what to do about climate change. Existing sociological research on the relationship between religion and science suggests that this stance is due to a long-standing social/moral competition between conservative Protestantism and science. © 2013 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht.

Purpose: This study was conducted to measure the relationships between ecological factors and Navy personnel` s physical activity (PA) based on McLeroy's Ecological model. Methods: A cross-sectional survey was conducted with a convenience sample of 184 Navy personnel working in 10 Navyships. A self-reporting questionnaire consisted of measures of intrapersonal, interpersonal, organizational and community factors related to Navy personnel` s PA. Data were analyzed by descriptive statistics, x2-test, t-test, analysis of variance, and hierarchical multiple regression using SPSS/WIN 17.0 programs. Results: Their mean PA level was 2,848.1짹3,344.5 METmin/ week, and mostly moderate level (50.5%). Hierarchical multiple regression analysis showed that religion, working department, working type, perceived health status and community environment were significant PA correlates. Conclusion: Community environmental factors as well as intrapersonal factors were significantly associated with Navy personnel's PA, indicating that community health nurses should expand an approach for individual- level behavioral change to incorporate Navy personnel specific community environmental barriers into PA interventions. ; open

Koos Vorster had a productive career as theologian and published on a wide variety of subjects. However, he will especially be remembered for his contribution to political and social ethics. This article discussed his theological politico-ethical thinking. Firstly, this article examined his epistemology, with special reference to his revelational-historical approach, his hermeneutics, preference of deontological ethics and his renouncement of ethical absolutism, which characterises fundamentalist approaches to ethics. Secondly, it examined his views on Apartheid and the 'struggle' in the 1970s and 1980s. Vorster renounced Apartheid and pleaded for non-violent change brought about by an evangelical change of hearts and attitude that had to be accompanied with real efforts to address poverty and unjust structures. Finally, the article discussed his views on human dignity, human rights and relations between the state and religion, as well as his views on society and economics. ; http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ids.v46i1.76 ; http://www.inluceverbi.org.za/index.php/skriflig/article/viewFile/76/592

В статье рассматривается трансформация религиозной ситуации в Египте после революции, имевшей место в январе-феврале 2011 г. и приведшей к смене режима власти в стране. На протяжении веков религия играла и продолжает играть колоссальную роль в египетском обществе. В данный переходный период обострился конфликт между секулярнои религиозно-ориентированными силами. Отмена запрета на участие религиозно окрашенных партий и движений в политической жизни страны поставила под вопрос будущее Египта, перевела конфликт религиозных консерваторов и секуляристов в политическую плоскость. ; In the present article the issue of transformation of religious situation in Egypt after the 2011 revolution is being analyzed. Throughout centuries religion used to and continues to play tremendous role in the Egyptian society. However at the current transitory period conflict between secularly and religiously oriented forces has intensified. Abolishing the prohibition for religiously marked parties and movements to participate in political life of the country has questioned the future of Egypt as the conflict between secularists and religious conservatives has shifted to the political area.

The "New Economy" features 24/7 employment, varied work schedules, job insecurity, and lower benefits and wages, which lead to disparities in experiences of security and sufficiency. This study investigates sufficiency concerns in the New Economy; who is having trouble making ends meet? Sufficiency concerns are subjective perceptions that work is insufficient to meet basic needs and that family and work cannot be coordinated in a stable way. This study uses the 2006 National Survey of Religion and Family Life ( N = 1,621) to analyze Americans' experiences in the New Economy and how these experiences are related to work–family conflict. Sufficiency concerns were experienced by a quarter to a third of our respondents and were shaped by gender and structural inequality, especially race and education. Moreover, sufficiency concerns strongly predict work–family conflict, even when other controls are included. This research furthers our understanding of work–family conflict and the winners and losers in the New Economy.