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For decades, scholars of Indonesia have rejected the religious claims of the Darul Islam movement, interpreting the antagonism between the Islamic state and Soekarno's republic as a fight for power, self-assertion, or land rights. Recently Kartosuwiryo and the Darul Islam have become heroic symbols of the local Islamist struggle, offering an alternative vision of this politician. The author looks beyond this dichotomy between rebel and martyr to unveil a 'third' dimension of Kartosuwiryo--a politician whose legacy has been shaping the role of Islam in Indonesian politics for over fifty years. In a blend of archival sources, printed material, and oral accounts, the author follows the career and ideology of Kartosuwiryo, nationalist leader of the Sarekat Islam party and later Imam of the Islamic State of Indonesia. Following the trajectory of a political activism that was consistently dedicated to the formation of an independent Indonesian state, the chapters delineate the gradual radicalization of the Islamic party and of Kartosuwiryo's own ideals from the 1920s until the 1950s. Focusing on the dialectic between the religious and secular anti-colonial movements, this book explores the failure of political Islam in the mid-1950s; the consolidation of the Pancasila state under Soekarno's and Suharto's regimes; the latter's attempt to co-opt what was left of the Darul Islam in the 1970s; and the re-emergence of political Islam and Kartosuwiryo's memory in the post-1998 era. A testament to the relevance of historical enquiry in understanding contemporary politics, Islam and the making of the nation guides the reader through the contingencies of the past that have led to the transformation of a nationalist leader into a 'separatist rebel' and a 'martyr', while at the same time shaping the public perception of political Islam and strengthening the position of the Pancasila in contemporary Indonesia. Chiara Formichi (1982) has a PhD from the Department of History of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, in 2009, and she is Assistant Professor in Asian and International Studies at City University of Hong Kong. This monograph was drafted during a post-doctoral fellowship at the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore. Her interests include the political history of Indonesia, Islam in Southeast Asia, transnational Islamic movements, and inter-Asian intellectual flows. In addition to several articles, her publications incl ...

Rather than China versus Islam, the overarching theme of this special issue is "Islam in China/China in Islam." In thinking through "Islam in China," we argue that the relationship between China and Islam is not one of opposition, but rather one of cultural, linguistic, and economic imbrication. Indeed, it is difficult to describe Islam and China as two separate or essentialized entities. For some Muslim minorities in certain regions of China, there is no distinction between neo-Confucianism and Islam or between the nation-state and the global umma (community of Muslims). Through intellectual labor, modes of prayer and worship, art, calligraphy, architecture, cuisine, linguistic creoles, and legal pluralism, these Muslims embody multiple cultural referents. For other Muslim minorities in other regions in China, political and economic circumstances present challenges to living in accordance with Islam while also being a citizen of the PRC. In other words, the Muslim experience in China encompasses a complex mosaic of accommodation, adjustment, preservation, and, at times, resistance. Thus, generalizations about this incredibly diverse population are unhelpful, and careful attention must be paid to history, politics, and place.

International audience ; A moins d'adopter un point de vue substantialiste et culturaliste, il est impossible de parler en toute généralité de « justice en islam » ou de « conception islamique de la justice ». Il faut en effet constater que les théories, les dogmes et les catégories qu'ils instituent sont nuancés, voire divergents, et qu'ils n'ont cessé d'évoluer. Au-delà du discours religieux, il faut aussi prendre la mesure de ce que la justice est une pratique dont la réalité historique échappe le plus souvent à tout cadre rigide. On distinguera ainsi la question de la justice dans la production discursive, les catégories doctrinales dans lesquelles s'inscrivent ce que l'on fait aujourd'hui relever du domaine pénal, la justice comme pratique propre à des institutions, entre autres judiciaires, et la justice internationale contemporaine quand elle est confrontée à des conflits dont tout ou partie des protagonistes se revendiquent d'une conception plus ou moins radicale de l'islam. Justice et normes pénales comme thèmes de la prédication coranique et de la tradition prophétique

Hassan, Nik Mustapha Hj. Nik: Zakat in Malaysia. Present and future status. - S. 213-238

Die Wiederbelebung muslimischer Wert- und Ordnungsvorstellungen in Zentralasien wird von den lokalen Regimen ebenso wie von der westlichen Politik vor allem unter sicherheitspolitischen Gesichtspunkten wahrgenommen. Dabei verhindert die Fokussierung auf Extremformen des Islams eine angemessene Einschätzung nicht nur des religiösen Diskurses selbst, sondern auch der Gründe für die wachsende Attraktivität des Islams und seines ordnungsstiftenden Potentials. Die Studie beleuchtet den gesellschaftlichen und politischen Hintergrund der Wiederbelebung islamischer Diskurse, Netzwerke und Praktiken in Tadschikistan seit Ende der Sowjetunion, identifiziert die maßgeblichen Akteure und sucht die symbolischen Kämpfe, die sie ausfechten, intellektuell und sozial zu verorten. Mit der wachsenden Bedeutung des Islams als Quelle moralischer und handlungspraktischer Orientierung geht eine Differenzierung und Pluralisierung der Akteurs- und Diskurslandschaft einher. Das Deutungsmonopol des hanafitischen Klerus, der eine Tradition der Toleranz gegenüber kulturspezifischen Ritualformen und säkularen Lebenswelten repräsentiert, wird dabei herausgefordert durch reformistische und universalistische Doktrinen, die den pragmatischen Konsens des religiösen Establishments zurückweisen. Die staatliche Politik Tadschikistans, die den Einfluss der Religion zurückdrängen will, reagiert mit einer immer stärkeren Überwachung des religiösen Feldes, kann die Verbreitung der unerwünschten Lehren damit aber nicht verhindern. Um ihnen entgegenzuwirken, müsste offensiv in gute religiöse Bildung investiert werden. (Autorenreferat)

It is not, I imagine, necessary to argue in this Journal (whose birth I welcome) that the study of African politics should never be separated from the study of African history. There was a time when the political institutions of African states (except in a few special cases, such as Ethiopia) meant 'colonial political institutions, together with such indigenous African institutions as had been permitted to survive within the colonial framework'. For students of colonial government the study of African history had no obvious relevance. For those who wished to explain such institutions as Legislative Councils in British-controlled territories, Communes Mixtes in French-controlled territories, or the Conseil de Gouvernement in the Belgian Congo, the history of the European state which had imposed the institution was understandably more significant than the histories of the African peoples upon whom it had been imposed. As for such indigenous African political systems as had survived, in a modified form, within the colonial administrative structure, their study was—by a kind of unwritten convention—left to the social anthropologists, whose historical interests varied according to the character of the system and the approach of the anthropologist.