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Governments rely extensively on expertise, and arguably many of the major accomplishments over the last 50 years reflect the ideas and involvement of experts. Yet expertise in world politics is increasingly contested. What are the factors which influence the future of state to defer to expertise in world politics? ; Regierungen vertrauen in hohem Maße auf Expertise und viele der großen Errungenschaften der letzten 50 Jahre wurden durch Ideen und Miteinbeziehung von Experten erreicht. Dennoch ist Expertise in der Weltpolitik heutzutage immer häufiger umstritten. Was sind die Faktoren, die die Staaten in Zukunft dazu bringen können, sich der Expertise in der Weltpolitik anzunehmen?

The article analyzes the phenomenon of archaization in world politics and identifies its algorithm in contemporary circumstances. It studies two main modes of archaization – dissociative (archaization as fragmentation and/or decay) and temporal (archaization as synchronization with past political practices and conditions). The paper makes a conclusion that it is impossible to use each of these logics separately due to limitations in their heuristic value. During the synthesis of dissociative and temporal modes, it emphasizes the complexity of the design of the archaization as a two-stage process – the temporal order desynchronization with subsequent disintegration trends and its synchronization with the patterns and practices of the past, broadcast through the institutional memory of polities. The work builds a model of desynchronization in world politics, which is tested on the case of the concept of Hungarian mafia state. This model can become a relevant explanatory framework for both state and societal actors of contemporary world politics.

In March 1991, this journal initiated a discussion of present-day nationalism, its role and place in world and regional politics. V. V. Vasilyev, L. N. Abayeva, L. S. Ablazova, E. D. Volkova, J. F. Selivanova, A. G. Larin among others discuss whether nationalism is the plague of the 20th century or cornerstone of genuine statehood, the Balkanization of Russia, the German, Korean and Chinese models of restoration of national unity and the ideology of nationalism. (DÜI-Sen)

Power, interdependence, and nonstate actors in world politics : research frontiers / Helen V. Milner -- Institutions, power, and interdependence / Randall W. Stone -- The transaction costs approach to international institutions / Michael J. Gilligan -- The influence of international institutions : institutional design, compliance, effectiveness, and endogeneity / Ronald B. Mitchell -- Peacekeepers as signals : the demand for international peacekeeping in civil wars / V. Page Fortna and Lisa L. Martin / Women and international institutions : the effects of the Women's Convention on Female Education / Beth A. Simmons -- Private governance for the public good? Exploring private sector participation in global financial regulation / Layna Mosley -- Power, interdependence, and domestic politics in international environmental cooperation / Elizabeth R. DeSombre -- The dynamics of trade liberalization / Vinod K. Aggarwal -- International intellectual property rights in a networked world / Jonathan D. Aronson -- The big influence of big allies : transgovernmental relations as a tool of statecraft / Timothy J. McKeown -- On taking religious worldviews seriously / J. Ann Tickner -- Robert Keohane : political theorist / Andrew Moravcsik

The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Old regionalist organizations have been revived, new organizations formed, and regionalism and the call for strengthened regionalist arrangements have been central to many of the debates about the nature of the post-Cold War international order. The number, scope and diversity of regionalist schemes have grown significantly since the last major 'regionalist wave' in the 1960s. Writing towards the end of this earlier regionalist wave, Joseph Nye could point to two major classes of regionalist activity: on the one hand, micro-economic organizations involving formal economic integration and characterized by formal institutional structures; and on the other, macro-regional political organizations concerned with controlling conflict. Today, in the political field, regional dinosaurs such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have re-emerged. They have been joined both by a large number of aspiring micro-regional bodies (such as the Visegrad Pact and thePentagonalein central Europe; the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Middle East; ECOWAS and possibly a revived Southern African Development Community (SADC, formerly SADCC) led by post-apartheid South Africa in Africa), and by loosely institutionalized meso-regional security groupings such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now OSCE) and more recently the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). In the economic field, micro-regional schemes for economic cooperation or integration (such as the Southern Cone Common Market,Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market (CACM) and CARICOM in the Americas; the attempts to expand economic integration within ASEAN; and the proliferation of free trade areas throughout the developing world) stand together with arguments for macro-economic or 'bloc regionalism' built around the triad of an expanded European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and some further development of Asia-Pacific regionalism. The relationship between these regional schemes and between regional and broader global initiatives is central to the politics of contemporary regionalism.

Resistance and Change in World Politics -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Abbreviation and Acronyms -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Approaching International Dissidence: Concepts, Cases, and Causes -- Conceptual and Terminological Considerations -- International Order -- Types of Resistance -- Opposition -- Dissidence -- The Two Trajectories of Dissidence: Dissidence by Ascription and Dissidence by Choice -- Research Design and Case Selection -- The Case Studies -- Explaining Dissidence and its Outcomes -- Causes of Ascription/Self-Description as Dissident -- Interest-Based Causes -- Identity-Related Causes -- Norm-Related Causes -- Self-Perpetuating Dynamics -- Causes of the Success or Failure of Dissidence -- Features of the Normative Context -- Norm Characteristics -- Type of Norm Conflict -- Features of the Normative Frame of Reference/Institutional Setting -- Actor Characteristics and Strategies -- Characteristics -- Strategies and Behaviour -- Escalation or Exit -- Alliance-Building -- Framing -- Consistency -- External Developments and Technological Progress -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Health Before Patents: Challenging the Primacy of Intellectual Property Rights -- Object and Course of the Conflict -- From the Establishment of a Liberal Order to its Norm-Based Contestation -- The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights -- The Norm-Based Challenge to the TRIPS IP Protection Regime -- From Delegitimisation to the Reversal of the Norm Hierarchy -- The Refusal to Recognise Divergent Normative Conceptions and the Delegitimisation of Practices Deriving from them -- Recognition, Transformation of the Order, and Reversal of the Norm Hierarchy -- Explaining the Reversal of the Norm Hierarchy -- Norm-Related Causes -- Characteristics and Strategies of Actors in the Conflict

Considers the place of the state in international relations, arguing that the state can no longer be considered a constant in the study of world politics. In this light, the emerging research agenda is scrutinized, identifying old, new, & borrowed agendas that constitute a marriage of various theoretical & methodological interests. The old, or familiar, agenda derives from globalization, or global economic integration, which challenges the centrality of the state, its sovereignty, & territorial control & calls for a new unit of analysis. The new research agenda centers on a variation among political units wherein the norm is no longer the modern European state & the heart of the issue lies in explanations for modern nation-state evolution & its system-wide spread, taxonomies of other units & the once dominant systems, & studies of the impact of unit variation on external behavior & system outcomes. Attention turns to an examination of prestate & ancient systems, developments in the Westphalian system, distinctions between states & nations, extensions & failures of the nation-state model, theoretical issues surrounding the concept of hierarchy, & the European Union. The borrowed agenda is institutional analysis, which allows for more precise definition & measurement required to estimate the effects of the other agendas. Issues uniting the old, new, & borrowed agenda are delineated. The current reality on the ground -- eg, Kosovo, East Timor, Colombia, sub-Saharan Africa -- calls for a unit of analysis distinct from the state. J. Zendejas

"Megatrends of World Politics identifies globalization, integration, and democratization as three key trends shaping the future of world politics and international relations, and demonstrates their effects in today's global processes. The authors of this book discuss the essence of these three megatrends of world politics, describing their dynamic and non-linear development, and exploring how they manifest themselves. Assessing megatrends of world politics makes it possible to predict further global political development. The authors proceed from several assumptions: (1) megatrends are global - they operate everywhere around the globe, although with different intensity and in diverse forms; (2) they influence and sometimes generate a variety of other trends in today's world politics; and (3) megatrends are political. The three megatrends - globalization, integration, and democratization - are identified and justified based on these three parameters, then the authors analyze the influence and manifestation of megatrends in various spheres of world politics, including terrorism, transregionalism, communication technologies, migration, pandemics, and subnational regions. This book will be of interest to students, scholars and researchers of international relations and adjacent fields who are studying the trajectories of global development, globalization, integration, and democratization"--

This book describes and analyzes the Czechoslovak and Czech positions in the international system during the course of the 20th century. The authors focus on the key periods and turning points in the role of the small Central European state in the international system as well as on the significant actors formulating Czechoslovak foreign policy from the inside and influencing it from the outside. The second part of the book is analytical and focuses on the key issues regarding the change of the position of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic after 1993 in world politics. It also tracks the formulation of Czech foreign policy priorities and strategies in today's globalized world after the end of bipolar confrontation.

The past forty years has seen a marked increase in the proliferation of
transnational actors in the international system. The rise of these actors
has sparked a continuing debate within the field of international relations
on how they influence state action. This emergent literature on
?transnational studies? within international relations has mainly pitted
advocates of an approach that views states as the dominant force in world
politics versus those who see the rise of transnational actors as empirical
proof that the primacy of states as actors in the international system is
being replaced. New literature in the mid-1990s tried to move transnational
studies beyond these debates of the past. What both sides failed to grasp
was that, because both looked to how transnational actors could affect
domestic state behavior, they really in the end shared the same research
question (it was only their approach to the question that differed). The
result is a thin account of how transnational actors matter and a series of
measurement problems due to the underlying concepts being much too general.
This article introduces a new theoretical framework for testing the ability
of transnational actors to influence domestic state behavior.

This article offers insights into the character and composition of world order. It does so by focusing on how world order is made and revealed through seemingly disorderly events. We examine how societies struggle to interpret and respond to disorderly events through three modes of treatment: tragedy, crisis, and scandal. These, we argue, are the dominant modes of treatment in world politics, through which an account of disorder is articulated and particular political responses are mobilised. Specifically, we argue that each mode provides a particular way of problematising disorder, locating responsibility, and generating political responses. As we will demonstrate, these modes instigate the ordering of disorder, but they also agitate and reveal the contours of order itself. We argue, therefore, that an attentiveness to how we make sense of and respond to disorder offers the discipline new opportunities for interrogating the underlying forces, dynamics, and structures that define contemporary world politics.

Das Buch vereint neun in 26 Jahren Beschäftigung mit Afrika geschriebene Essays; ihr gemeinsamer Nenner, sowohl in ideologischer als auch praxiologischer Hinsicht, ist der Panafrikanismus. Auf ihn läuft ihn dem zusammenfassenden zehnten Kapitel alles hinaus. In den ersten vier Essays setzt sich der Autor mit den europäisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen auseinander, er diskutiert die Abkommen mit der EU (bis zum Cotonou-Abkommen) und untersucht ausführlich die französisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen. Das folgende Kapitel zeigt, dass von Blockfreiheit bei den frankophonen Ländern nur begrenzt die Rede sein kann. In den nächsten Kapiteln geht es um regionale Kooperation und Integration (Kapitel 6), Konflikt und Konfliktlösung (Kapitel 7) und internationale Solidarität bei der Flüchtlingshilfe (Kapitel 8). In Kapitel 9 konstatiert der Autor die Krise des afrikanischen Nationalstaates aus der er die Notwendigkeit für "Regional Governance" ableitet. Im abschließenden Kapitel versucht er panafrikanische Konzepte (von Nkrumah, Cheikh Anta Diop etc.) wieder zu beleben, die den Nationalstaat transzendieren und wahre Unabhängigkeit bringen sollen. (DÜI-Sbd)

A review essay on books by (1) Ian Hurd, After Anarchy: Legitimacy & Power in the United Nations Security Council (NJ & Oxford: Princeton U Press, 2007); (2) Jens Steffek, Embedded Liberalism and Its Critics: Justifying Global Governance in the American Century (New York & Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006); (3) Darrow Schechter, Beyond Hegemony: Towards a New Philosophy of Political Legitimacy (Manchester & New York: Manchester U Press, 2005); & (4) Ian Clark, Legitimacy in International Society (Oxford & New York: Oxford U Press, 2005). References.